Showing posts with label internal market. Show all posts
Showing posts with label internal market. Show all posts

Sunday, 18 December 2022

Does the Court of Justice of the European Union Respect the Limits of EU Competence?


 


 

Vilija Vėlyvytė, British Academy Post-Doctoral Fellow, Somerville College, University of Oxford

 

Photo credit: civarmy, by wikipedia

 

My new book, ‘Judicial Authority in EU Internal Market Law: Implications for the Balance of Competences and Powers’ (Hart Publishing 2022), examines how the Court of Justice of the European Union expands EU competences through the interpretation of EU internal market law.

 

Much has been written about the EU’s so-called ‘competence creep’, describing the extension of EU competence (or power) to regulate the internal market into the areas in which the EU has not been granted explicit competence to act, such as public health, social security, and others. That discussion criticizes the EU legislature – Commission, Council and Parliament acting together – for failure to respect the limits of EU competence and the Court for failure to police those limits. Yet it largely overlooks a related, and equally important, question: does the Court itself observe the limits of EU competence in the interpretation of the rules of the internal market laid down in the Treaties? This question lies at the heart of my new book. The inquiry conducted in the book exposes the scale of the problem of the EU’s competence creep and demonstrates that the exercise by the Court of its interpretative authority is its major, and often dominant, cause.

 

The limits of EU competence are governed by the principles of conferral, subsidiarity and proportionality. Whilst the principle of conferral defines the scope of EU competence, the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality limit its exercise. The book examines to what extent the Court observes these principles in the interpretation of EU free movement rules. It argues that the Court’s observance of the three principles has been inconsistent, thereby creating constitutional tensions in the EU’s relationship with the Member States and upsetting the institutional balance of powers between the EU legislature and judiciary.

 

Observance of Conferral in Free Movement Case Law

 

According to the principle of conferral (Art 5(2) TEU), the EU can act only within the scope of the competences that Member States have conferred upon it in the Treaties. The Treaties contain a list of EU competences, dividing them into exclusive, shared and supplementary (see here). Notably, the EU does not have any real powers in the areas belonging to its supplementary competences, such as, for example, healthcare, education and, for the most part, social policy. Its action in these areas is limited to the adoption of measures of a recommendatory character.

 

The phrasing of the principle of conferral in the Treaties suggests that there is a clear line as to what the EU can and cannot do. But in reality this is far from true. In the way conferral is interpreted by the Court, it allows the EU to interfere into the areas that in principle fall outside the scope of its competences to the extent that such interference stems from the exercise of a competence that has been conferred upon the EU. For instance, the EU has not been granted competence to legislate in the area of public health. Yet it can enact such legislation as long as it contributes to the functioning of the internal market (see Tobacco Advertising II judgment, concerning the validity of EU directive on the advertising and sponsorship of tobacco products).

 

EU legislation aside, Member States must comply with the rules of the internal market laid down in the Treaties in all areas, regardless of whether these belong to EU or Member State scope of competence. So, for example, Member States retain the competence to regulate the exercise of collective labour rights, namely the right to collective bargaining and right to strike. However, they must regulate these rights in a way that does not violate the EU’s economic freedoms – freedom of establishment and of provision of services in particular (see Viking and Laval judgments).

 

The book argues that if conferral is to have a meaningful normative function in EU law, there needs to be a limit to how far EU internal market law can encroach into the areas of competence that should in principle be exempted from any binding interference on behalf of the EU. In the context of the judicial interpretation of free movement law, that limit lies in the conditions that trigger the application of free movement law. These are the conditions that have to be satisfied for the matter to fall within the scope of free movement. For instance, in order to benefit from the EU’s economic freedoms, the activities in question have to be of an economic, as opposed to social, nature and the challenged national law or practice has to constitute a restriction on those activities.

 

When interpreting the meaning of these conditions in a given case, the Court should adopt a systemic approach, contextualising them in the requirements of the principle of conferral. This presupposes a judicial interpretation of the concepts of ‘economic activity’ and ‘restriction’ that balances the objectives of the internal market inherent in these concepts with the concerns relating to the protection of national competence and regulatory autonomy. Such balancing exercise should be performed whenever free movement law collides with policy areas that are constitutionally sensitive from the EU law point of view. As a consequence, activities which have some economic features but are otherwise heavily regulated at the national level in the interests of social policy and solidarity, would fall outside the scope of the economic freedoms. A prominent example of such activities is the provision of public healthcare and education services.

 

Having conducted an inquiry into free movement case law involving three sensitive areas of national policy – healthcare, education and collective labour law, the book finds that the Court has systematically failed to engage in any meaningful reflection of competence concerns in the interpretation of the scope of free movement rules. This practice places the Court in tension with the principle of conferral.

 

The case law has also diminished the effectiveness of the legislative dimension of the principle of conferral. Specifically, it has opened up the possibility for matters that had been reserved to the regulatory prerogative of the Member States to be addressed at the EU’s legislative level through the functionally broad provisions of the Treaties (legal bases) dedicated to the regulation of the internal market. For instance, by holding that the provision of public healthcare is an economic activity, the Court sent a signal to the EU legislature that healthcare, as a service, could be legitimately legislated on under Art 59 or Art 114 TFEU. This enabled the adoption of EU Directive on Patients’ Rights, which governs access to cross-border healthcare, notwithstanding that EU-wide harmonisation in the area of public health is excluded by Art 168 TFEU.

 

Observance of Subsidiarity and Proportionality in Free Movement Case Law

 

The principles of subsidiarity (Art 5(3) TEU) and proportionality (Art 5(4) TEU) govern the exercise of EU competences. Subsidiarity applies to the areas of competence that are shared between the EU and Member States. It sets out the conditions under which the competence concerned should be exercised by the EU rather than Member States. Essentially, it stipulates that policy decisions should be taken at the level of the Member States unless action at the EU level could be more effective. Proportionality, on the other hand, controls the intensity of EU action. It limits intervention by the EU to what is necessary in light of the objectives pursued.

 

The book demonstrates that both principles are designed to protect national regulatory autonomy in politically sensitive areas of EU action, but they do so in slightly different ways. If subsidiarity is primarily concerned with the protection of the scope of national regulatory autonomy, proportionality ensures that EU regulatory intervention does not intrude excessively into the various values and interests protected via the exercise of national regulatory autonomy.

 

How do the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality manifest themselves in the judicial interpretation of the Treaties? They do at the stage of the judicial inquiry into the justification of national measures restrictive of free movement. The degree to which restrictive measures can be justified depends on the standard of judicial review employed by the Court. Accordingly, the standard of judicial review determines the space left for domestic regulatory action in the situation concerned. It thus affects both the scope of national regulatory autonomy (subsidiarity) and the interests protected within its exercise (proportionality). So, for example, when free movement law is construed to require that trade unions employ the ‘least restrictive’ means in negotiations with foreign businesses, this inhibits their autonomy to regulate the terms and conditions of employment as well as their ability to protect workers’ interests. This implicates both subsidiarity and proportionality.

 

The Court has been inconsistent in its observance of the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality across the policy areas studied in the book.

 

In three of the four areas – healthcare, education and collective labour law, the Court has employed a high standard of review of national measures, focused on the test of necessity. This approach is well illustrated by the Bressol judgment. The case concerned Belgian measures restricting foreign students’ access to some of the oversubscribed medical programmes. For context, in some of these programmes foreign students (mainly French) would make up more than 80% of the class. This situation raised concerns about the potential shortage of health specialists in Belgium and, more broadly, about the financial sustainability of the country’s higher education system, which was based on free and open access. The Court held that in order to be justified, government measures had to be appropriate and proportionate. Notably, the assessment of proportionality had to take into account the possibility that the government might have been able to achieve its regulatory goals with less restrictive means. Finally, the government was required to provide ‘an objective, detailed analysis, supported by figures, … capable of demonstrating, with solid and consistent data, that there [were] genuine risks to public health’ (para 71).

 

Essentially, the Court’s reasoning made clear that the Belgian higher education policy could only be pursued by employing measures that did not restrict the free movement of students in the EU.

 

This approach can be contrasted with the one employed by the Court in the gambling case law. Governments often limit access to their gambling markets for foreign operators, often by monopolising the operation of gambling. (This keeps the revenues derived from gambling within national borders.) The Court’s review of these types of measures is highly deferential. It is grounded in respect for national regulatory autonomy in the gambling sector. In that connection, the Court holds that Member States are entitled to a margin of appreciation, or discretion, when regulating gambling activities. Accordingly, ‘it is for those authorities to consider whether, in the context of the aim pursued, it is necessary to prohibit activities of that kind, totally or partially, or only to restrict them and to lay down more or less rigorous procedures for controlling them’ (see Zenatti judgment, para 33).

 

As a result, governments are allowed to bar foreign operators from entering their gambling markets as long as such restrictions are consistent with the regulatory objectives pursued.

 

The book ultimately argues that discrepancies in the standard of judicial review employed in relation to the areas under study – healthcare, education and collective labour law, on the one hand, and gambling, on the other – cannot be justified considering their comparable political and social sensitivity. Rather, these discrepancies indicate that the Court has been unfairly selective in its observance of the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality in the free movement case law.  

 

Judicial Reasoning Reform

 

In light of its findings, the book advances a proposition aimed at restoring the balance of competences within the EU and thus easing the tensions created by the case law. Specifically, it proposes that the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality should be reinforced into EU-level judicial practice concerning the areas of national policy which are in principle reserved to Member State competence. In practice, this would require the Court to employ, in relation to those areas, a set of techniques of judicial interpretation – already to be found in the Court’s wider case law – that are aimed at lowering the standard of judicial review. These techniques are the margin of appreciation, the ‘fair balance’ approach and exemption from the scope of EU law.

 

The proposed reform would ensure that the exercise by the Court of EU judicial authority through the interpretation of internal market law respects the limits of EU competences.

 

Friday, 3 January 2020

Gun Control in the EU: the CJEU’s Decision on the Legality of the Revised European Firearms Directive




Niels Kirst, PhD candidate, Dublin City University

Introduction

On the 3rd of December 2019, the European Court of Justice (hereafter ‘the Court’ or ‘CJEU’) gave its final verdict on the so-called Czech firearms case. In this detailed judgment which gives guidance on the law-making in the European Union (hereafter ‘the EU’), the Court touched on many principles of EU law and refined their meaning. The European Union legislator used its legal powers for the single market (Article 114 TFEU) to adopt Directive (EU) 2017/853, amend the previous firearms Directive 91/477 and Directive 2008/51/EC, in the aftermath of terrorist attacks in Paris and Copenhagen. The initial proposal of the Commission gained steam under the Dutch presidency of the Council in 2016. Finally, the Directive undergo the Trialogue process before being approved according to the co-decision procedure by the European Parliament (hereafter ‘the Parliament’) and the Council of the European Union (hereafter ‘the Council‘). The Parliament approved the amended Directive on 14th of March 2017, while the Council followed suit on the 25th of April 2017, with only the Czech Republic, Poland and Luxembourg disagreeing. Critical voices on political participation and accountability accompanied the legislative process. 

The Czech Republic had specifically harsh aversion towards the Directive, since civilian firearm ownership has a long tradition in the Czech Republic, and the Czech government, as well as Czech civil society groups, feared severe consequences for the Czech economy and the cultural heritage. After being outvoted in Parliament and Council, the Czech Government decided to challenge the Directive at the CJEU. It was alleged a breach of the principle of conferral of powers (Article 5 (2) TEU), of the principle of proportionality (Article 5 (4) TEU), of the principle of legal certainty and protection of legitimate expectations and finally, of the principle of non-discrimination. The Czech Republic, supported by Poland and Hungary in its claim, fired full blast to protect its political interest in front of the CJEU.

Earlier this year, AG Sharpston opined that the claims by the Czech Republic are unfounded and that the Court should uphold the Directive as it stands (see my analysis of the opinion here). The most important precedents for this case were the respective claims on the legal basis against the tobacco Directives from tobacco manufactures (see British American Tobacco and Philip Morris Brands). The trade, sale and possession of tobacco in the single market is situated in a field between health protection and the commerce, whereas, the sale, trade and possession of firearms is situated in a field between security and commerce. The critical question the CJEU had to answer was if Article 114 TFEU is an appropriate legal basis for measures which in large parts tighten security standards of firearm possession, or if this impinges of the national sovereignty of the Member States.

First Plea: Breach of the Principle of Conferral of Powers

The Czech Republic based its first plea on an alleged breach of the principle of conferral of powers by the European Union legislator. The baseline of this argument purported by the Czech Republic was that the aims of the new Directive diverted significantly from the aims of the earlier Directives of 1991 and 2008. Therefore, Article 114 TFEU did not constitute an appropriate legal basis anymore. The Czech Republic emphasised that an amended Directive shall not lead to new objectives which derogate from the original legal basis (Para. 21 – 24). By moving towards the fight against terrorism with the new Directive, the European Union legislator had no mandate to adopt these changes under the umbrella of the internal market competence.

The Court went into a general discussion on the appropriate legal basis for adopting a Directive or a Regulation (para. 31 – 33). Respectively, that new legislation might have several purposes, the Court explained. However, the predominant purpose determines the appropriate legal basis of the new legislation. These clarifications were followed by a discussion on the adequate use of Article 114 TFEU (para. 34 – 40), by assessing that the fight against international terrorism is an objective of general interest for the EU (by analogy health was identified as general interest in British American Tobacco and Imperial Tobacco). Subsequently, the Court tried to answer the question, if the safety and prevention of terrorist attacks had become the predominant purpose of the amended Directive and, if therefore, the legal basis of Article 114 TFEU was not appropriate anymore.

While the Czech Republic argued that the Directive should be analysed in isolation. Parliament and Council argued that the amended Directive has to be seen in light of the two earlier Directives (Para. 41 – 45). The Court clarified that an amended Directive must always be assessed in light of its earlier versions. Therefore, Directive 91/477 and the amendments by the new Directive serve as benchmark regarding the adequate legal basis. Assessing Directive 91/477 and the amendments made by the contested Directive, the Court concluded that by ‘adjusting the balance between the free movement of goods and security guarantees, [t]he EU legislature merely adapted the rule on the possession and acquisition of firearms set out in Directive 91/477 to changes in circumstances. [emphasis added]’ (para. 53) – which the EU legislature is entitled to do in its task of safeguarding the general interests recognised by the Treaty (see also Vodafone and Others) (para. 38). 

Finally, by pointing to the assessment of the firearms Directive in Buhagiar and Others the Court found that the predominant purpose of the measures read in conjunction with the earlier Directive was still ‘the free movement of goods, approximation of laws, regulations and administrative provisions of the Member States, whilst circumscribing that freedom with safety guarantees that are suited to the nature of the goods at issue’ (para. 59). Firearms are inherently dangerous goods, not only for the user itself (as the Czech Republic argued in the oral hearing) but also for fellow citizens, therefore, safety, as general interest recognised by the Treaty, can form a purpose of a Directive under Article 114 TFEU.   

Second Plea: Breach of the Principle of Proportionality

On a different note, the Czech Republic claimed that the European Union legislator did not have sufficient information at its disposal when drafting the Directive and therefore was unable to assess the proportionality of the Directive (para. 65 – 73). This argument was mainly based upon the European Commission skipping an impact assessment before drafting the Directive. The Commission pledged to carry out an impact assessment in an interinstitutional agreement with the Parliament under Article 295 TFEU. However, when the Commission drafted the Directive, it did not have time for a careful impact assessment and instead relied on the REFIT evaluation, which was carried out earlier. The Czech Republic contested that this was insufficient.

The Court highlighted the broad discretion the EU legislator has in evaluating and assessing legislative measures (para. 76 – 81). Further, the Court followed the Opinion of the AG that the pledge to carry out an impact assessment in an interinstitutional agreement under Article 295 TFEU is a non-binding commitment (para. 82). The Court reasoned that not conducting an impact assessment cannot automatically lead to an infringement of the principle of proportionality. Instead, the availability of existing information can still be sufficient to have a meaningful assessment of the principle of proportionality (para. 85). After going through the different studies, which the EU legislator took into account, the Court found that these studies, among them the REFIT evaluation, enabled the legislator to make a meaningful assessment of the proportionality of the new measures (para. 87 – 92).

In the second part of its second plea, the Czech Republic contested that specific articles of the new Directive failed the proportionality test of the EU. Namely, that these measures could have been achieved by less restrictive means (para. 95 – 101). The Czech Republic criticised in its claim the complete prohibition of semi-automatic firearms, as well as the stricter requirements for deactivated and antique firearms (para. 120 and 127). Technical details of the measures which the Czech Republic contested are omitted at this point but can be found in the judgement (para. 102 – 104). The Court first clarified that the judicial review of the proportionality of legislative acts is limited, and that the Court is not in the position to substitute its assessment for that of the EU legislature (para. 118). Instead, it is for the Court to define whether the legislator 'manifestly exceeded' its broad discretion (para. 119).

After going through the technical details of the new prohibitions of certain types of semi-automatic firearms, the Court concluded by pointing out that ‘those institutions [the Council and the Parliament] do not appear to have exceeded their broad discretion’ by these prohibitions (para. 126). The Court found the same regarding the proportionality of the new measures regarding deactivated and antique firearms (para. 131). The requirement of 'manifestly inappropriate in relation to the objectives' is a high bar to reach for new legislation to be deemed disproportionate. Therefore, the Court with its limited power and capacity of review declared the new measures to fulfil proportionality test. 

In the last place, the Czech Republic claimed that the contested Directive interfered with the right to property as it is enshrined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights (hereafter ‘the Charter’) (para. 132). The Court reasoned that Article 17 of the Charter is not an absolute right and may be restricted by limitations which meet the general interest recognised by the EU or the need to protect the rights and freedoms of others (para. 134) (in regard to the ‘right to property’ see a comment on SEGRO, in which the Court discussed Article 17 of the Charter). The Court found the evidence brought forward by the Czech Republic insufficient to prove a disproportionate interference with the right to property as enshrined in the Charter. The Court concluded that a ban on semi-automatic firearms for safety reasons is in the general interest which is recognized in the last sentence of Article 17 (1) of the Charter. 

Third Plea: Breach of the Principle of Legal Certainty and of the Protection of Legitimate Expectations

In its third plea, the Czech Republic claimed that specific measures of the new Directive impinged on the principle of legal certainty and legitimate expectations (para. 140 – 143). Specifically, the time requirements of the new Directive would lead to a retroactive application and the process of entering into force of the Directive to unattainable expectations on the part of individuals. Regarding legal certainty, the Court rebutted the argument by pointing out that the classification of firearms in the new Directive are clear and precise, and do, therefore, not lead to a retroactive application (para. 149 – 151). Regarding legitimate expectations of individuals, the Court highlighted that the EU legislator fulfilled its duties by publishing the contested Directive in the Official Journal of the European Union in a timely manner. This allowed individuals to know at which point the new rules will come into force and until when they could buy which kinds of firearms (para. 153 – 156).

Fourth Plea: Breach of the Principle of Non-Discrimination

In its fourth and final plea, the Czech Republic claimed that the so-called ‘Swiss exception’ (Article 6 (6) of the contested Directive), which allows Swiss militia soldiers to keep their semi-automatic firearms after completing their service with the Swiss army constitutes a discrimination against other EU nationals (para. 159 – 161). The Court recalled the principle of equality in EU law as requiring that 'comparable situations must not be treated differently and that different situations must not be treated in the same way unless such treatment is objectively justified' (para. 164). The Court found that the Swiss Confederation and the Member States are not comparable regarding the subject matter of that derogation. The Swiss Confederation 'has the proven experience and ability to trace and monitor persons and weapons concerned, which gives reason to assume that the public security and safety objectives' will be achieved (para. 166). Finally, the Czech Republic failed to bring forward evidence that there are other states within the Schengen area which fulfil the same system of mandatory subscription and transfer of military firearms as the Swiss Confederation. Therefore, the Court rejected the plea (para. 167 – 168).

Comment

This comprehensive and very detailed judgement closes the legal challenge between the Czech Republic and the EU. Exhausting legal remedies after being outvoted in the Council has a long tradition in the EU (see for example Spain v Parliament and Council). Also, in this case, it is the recurring storyline. The Czech Republic took legal actions after being outvoted in the Council and its MEPs had not won in the Parliament. The judicial route is a logical way to go. However, the question of firearms regulation seems to be of a more political than a legal nature. 

The contested Directive certainly lays more emphasis on the security requirements for legal firearms holders. The contested Directive prohibits the possession of semi-automatic firearms within the European single market by civilian citizens. The plea of the Czech Republic focused on the outer limits of Article 114 TFEU. Is this article suitable for tightening of firearms possession, or does it fall into the area of judicial cooperation in criminal matters and must, therefore, be adopted under Article 84 TFEU? As known, from the tobacco case-law of the Court, Article 114 TFEU can be interpreted broadly. Also, in this case, the Court followed this line of reasoning, by allowing a prominent place of security as an objective of a Directive which was adopted under the single market competence of Article 114 TFEU.

The Court affirmed the legislative mandate of the EU to lower the ceiling for firearm possession in the EU. Firearms are goods which are sold and purchased on the internal market; therefore, the EU is the adequate body to regulate, and the internal market competence is sufficient to harmonise the possession of firearms in the EU. As a result, Member States have to converge and adjust in their firearm regulations (if they not already did). Some Member States already have a higher bar of firearms possessions as the one purported by the Directive, others like the Czech Republic now have to change their national laws. The consequence is that also in highly political fields, such as firearms regulation, Member States have to abide by the qualified consensus on the Council level. 

Barnard & Peers: chapter 12
JHA4: chapter II:7
Photo credit: knowledge@Wharton

Thursday, 9 May 2019

Friendly Fire in the European Union? AG Sharpston’s opinion on the validity of the revised firearms Directive




Niels Kirst (University Paris II – Panthéon-Assas)                             

The recent opinion by Advocate General Sharpston (hereafter: “AG”), which was released on 11th April 2019, concerned the validity of Directive 2017/853, the so-called firearms Directive. The Czech Republic claimed that the European Parliament and the Council used the wrong legal basis, the internal market harmonisation clause (Article 114 TFEU), for adopting this Directive.

The case is interesting for three reasons. First, the case deals with question of legal basis, and has therefore gained significant attention from EU lawyers. Second, it is yet another case in which the Czech Republic is acting jointly with Hungary and the Republic of Poland (which intervened to support the Czech Republic) to defend their common interest (see also the pending Case C-715/17 Commission v Poland, on relocation of asylum-seekers). On the other side, France and the Commission intervened to support the Council and the European Parliament. Third, Directive 2017/853, which was contested by the Czech Republic, amended Directive 91/477, which was the first legislative measure setting a minimum standard regarding civilian firearms acquisition and possession in the European Union (hereafter: “EU”). (The 1991 Directive had been previously amended in 2008)

There is a specific prehistory to the case. After the terrorist attacks in Paris and Copenhagen, the Juncker Commission proposed tightening the gun laws in the European Union. This was met by much scepticism on the Czech side. Why is this the case? The Czech Republic’s gun laws differ tremendously from those of most Member States of the European Union. The history of liberal gun possession in the Czech Republic stretches back to the 18th century. Therefore, the Czech Republic had a great interest to oppose the Directive, also given the fact that it is the 7th largest post-war arm exporter in the world.

Having said that, the Directive was finally approved under the ordinary legislative procedure on the 25th April 2017 with qualified majority voting in the Council, with only the Czech Republic, Luxembourg and Poland voting against the Directive. Beforehand it had been approved in the first reading by the European Parliament. While Poland voted against the Directive, due to stringent norms, Luxembourg voted against the Directive, since it wanted a stronger regulation of firearms. (Note that the Directive only sets minimum standards, so Member States can opt unilterally for higher standards, as the UK does, for example) Among other things, the revised Directive prohibits many semi-automatic weapons.

The first plea: wrong legal basis

Preliminary remarks

The first claim of the Czech Republic was that the Directive infringes the principle of conferral of powers upon the European Union, which is enshrined in Article 5(2) TEU. This Directive was adopted on the basis of the EU’s internal market powers (Article 114 TFEU), but the Czech Republic alleged that the aim of the Directive was not minimum harmonisation in the internal market concerning guns, but instead the prevention of crime and terrorism. Therefore, the Directive had to be adopted under Article 84 TFEU, which deals with crime prevention, and forms part of the Treaty provisions on the area of freedom, justice and security. Article 84 TFEU does not allow harmonisation of national law.

Article 114 TFEU

In a first step, the AG analysed the particularities of Article 114 TFEU, which is designed to allow the EU legislator to adopt legislation with the aim of achieving the objectives of the internal market. The precedents which are highly relevant for this case were British American Tobacco and Philip Morris Brands. Both cases concerned the question, if consumer health may be protected on a European Union level by means of legislation with Article 114 TFEU as legal basis. In analogy, the AG draws attention towards Article 114 (3) TFEU, which defines that questions of consumer safety shall be taken into account when harmonising the laws (para 47).

Having said that, the AG also drew attention to Germany v Parliament and Council in which the Court found that such a harmonisation under Article 114 TFEU is not without limits, as regards a ban on advertising of tobacco products.

The yardstick question for the AG was whether the Directive eliminates obstacles to free movement, while not exceeding the competences under Article 114 TFEU (para 50). The AG rejected the argument by the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland that recitals 2 and 23 in the preamble to the Directive, which mention crime prevention as an objective, alter the scope in a way that it cannot be regarded as falling under the auspices of the internal market any longer (para 54).

Directive 2017/853

In a second step the AG analyzed the substantive legal purpose and the provisions of the Directive. The AG clarified that what matters are the ultimate legal effects of the Directive and not the recitals (para 65). Further, the AG laid out, by citing Digital Rights Ireland (discussed here), that the fight against serious crime constitutes an objective of general interest of the EU (para 66).

In her analysis the AG followed a four-pronged approach. First, the AG found that firearms are intrinsically dangerous goods, therefore any legislation concerning firearms must contain a security aspect (para 67). Second, the Directive enhances mutual confidence among the Member States in cross-border trade (para 68). Third, the Directive aims to harmonize technical barriers to trade, which may include technical specifications (para 69). Fourth, the Directive provides for a improved cooperation among Member States (para 70).

By this analysis, the AG derived the conclusion that the content of the Directive does not harmonize crime prevention in any material sense (para 71), clarifying that the Directive has to be assessed in the light of the 1991 Directive and that a mere change of recitals does not indicate that the aims of the internal market are removed.

The second plea: proportionality

The second plea of the Czech Republic was the alleged lack of proportionality of the Directive. The Czech Republic argued that the measures adopted are manifestly disproportionate to the objectives pursued, on two grounds. First, the Commission failed to conduct an impact assessment, event though the Commission pledged to do so in an interinstitutional agreement on better law-making. Second, the Directive interferes disproportionately with the right to property, which is a fundamental right in the EU legal order.

The question arose, if an interinstitutional agreement, as far as it concerns an impact assessment obligation, is legally binding on EU institutions. This question is general importance for the EU. Hungary argued in support of the Czech Republic that an interinstitutional agreement shall be legally binding, while the Parliament, the Council and the Commission maintained that the obligation to carry out an impact assessment in an interinstitutional agreement is not binding.

The AG dissected these questions starting by lying out that firearms are intrinsically dangerous, and that the EU legislator decided to regulate the entire lifecycle of a weapon in the internal market (para 87). This is important to keep in mind, when verifying if the articles of the Directive are proportionate to the aims. The arguments of the parties were among others that without an impact assessment it cannot be assessed, if the provisions of the Directive are actually proportionate.

Impact assessments are referred to in the inter-institutional agreement on better law-making, adopted on the basis of Article 295 TFEU, and the Court had earlier found, in Commission v Council (para 49), that such agreements among the institutions can be binding on them. However, in this case the AG found that there are no such obligations to conduct an impact assessment in each and every case. An omitted impact assessment cannot be a valid ground to annul a fully lawful Directive.

In case of urgent actions, the AG argued, an impact assessment is not always possible. Further, the Court had already confirmed, in the case of Poland v European Parliament and Council (para 159), that an impact assessment itself is not binding on either the Parliament or the Council. The key take-away is that an omitted impact assessment should not restrict possible actions by the institutions.

The second argument by the parties concerned the right to property. The AG determined that there is no fundamental right to own firearms in the EU, nor does such a right form part of the ‘common constitutional traditions’ of the Member States. The AG went on by stating that the right to property as laid out in Article 17 of the Charter is a qualified right, and not an absolute right. Therefore, the Directive does not deprive citizens of the Union of their right to property.

The third plea: legal certainty

In its third plea the Czech Republic argued that the Directive infringed the principle of legal certainty. Its two main arguments were that i) some of the Directive’s provisions are not sufficiently clear and precise enough and ii) the Directive would force Member States to adopt domestic legislation, which will have a retroactive effect, infringing the principle of legitimate expectations.

The AG reiterated that the principle of legal certainty is a general principle of EU law, as seen in the case of Spain v Council (para 124). Having said that, the AG regarded the wording of the Articles as sufficiently clear and precise enough to meet the requirements of legal certainty. Concerning the possible retroactive effects of the Directive, the AG first reiterated that also the principle of legitimate expectations is a general principle of EU law, as seen in Agrargenossenschaft Neuzelle. However, since there was no assurance by the administration that the classifications of weapons would not be changed in the future, the requirements to invoke that principle are not fulfilled.

Finally, the AG reiterated that these principles cannot be stretched to the point of preventing a new rule to apply to situations which arose under earlier rules (para 132). Consequently, the AG rejected the claims of the Czech Republic concerning legal certainty and legitimate expectations.

The fourth plea: equal treatment

In its last plea, the Czech Republic argued that Article 6(6) of the Directive (the so-called Swiss exception) should be annulled, since it violates the principle of non-discrimination. Switzerland is a Schengen associate; therefore, all Schengen-related legislation (such as the Directive) also applies to Switzerland. Having said that, there are certain areas in which Switzerland enjoys an exception from Schengen-related rules. This Directive is one of those cases, since Switzerland has a reserve army based on conscription, and there is an exception for States which have had such a system for more than 50 years.

In a preliminary step the AG reiterated that the principle of equal treatment is a general principle of EU law, as seen in Arcelor Atlantique et Lorraine and Others. However, the AG concluded its common ground that only Switzerland has such a system of conscription, further, Member States (and Schengen associates) differ in their culture and tradition, therefore, this article cannot be regarded as discriminatory towards other Member States and Schengen associates.

Comments

The opinion gives much food for thought and discusses numerous general principles of EU law. Surely, the opinion will not be welcomed in the Czech Republic. As a key take-away, it is important to note that the institutions might be capable to act without an impact assessment in urgent situations, even when they have subscribed to an inter-institutional agreement under Article 295 TFEU.

Furthermore, the opinion, if followed by the Court, can be seen as a further integration in the area of European Union criminal law. Guns are one of the predominant tools for committing criminal acts, and by tightening the requirements for gun holders in the Member States, the EU legislator aims to impact upon on crime prevention in the European Union.

Finally, the opinion gives guidance on the importance of the right to property in the EU’s legal order, confirming that the right to property as laid down in Article 17 of the Charter is a qualified right and not absolute. Further, the AG illustrates that there is no such thing as a fundamental right to possess guns in the European Union legal order (para 104). It will be interesting to see if the Court follows the opinion of the AG.

Barnard & Peers: chapter 11, chapter 12, chapter 25
Photo credit: EuropeWord

Tuesday, 23 April 2019

New EU Directive on Whistleblower Protection




Vigjilenca Abazi, Assistant Professor of EU Law, Maastricht University & Fellow, Yale Law School

*The author is the co-author of the model Directive presented at the European Parliament in May 2016.


With an overwhelming majority, the European Parliament on 16 April voted in favour of the new law to protect whistleblowers in the European Union. The Directive sets leading standards and has become a prime example of how a concerted effort by civil society – NGOs, trade unions, journalists, scholars, and whistleblowers – together with the European Parliament can lead to progressive legislation and enhance tools that safeguard the rule of law in Europe.  

‘Promoting Gold Standard Protections’ 

Prior to this Directive, whistleblowers faced a paradoxical situation in Europe: they would be prosecuted at the national level, whilst celebrated for ‘promoting European values’ at the EU level, as in the case of LuxLeaks whistleblower Antoine Deltour. The European Parliament called upon the Commission to propose legislation since 2013, yet the Commission had rejected the calls noting lack of EU competences to legislate. The Council was also sceptical, as many member states do not have national laws in place. A key turning point was the presentation of the model Directive promoted by the Greens & European Free Alliance at the European Parliament in 2016. Protecting whistleblowers became inevitable after the EU witnessed the murder of two journalists, Daphne Galizia in Malta and Jàn Kuciak in Slovakia, who exposed corruption in their respective countries.
     
The Directive provides significant improvement in protecting whistleblowers and moves Member States closer toward an advanced legal framework. Indeed, as noted by the world’s leading NGO for whistleblowing, the Whistleblowing International Network, the EU ‘has raised the bar for all EU governments to lead the world in promoting gold standard protections for whistleblowers’ or as Commissioner Jourová remarked these ‘rules will be a game changer’.

The Whistleblower

The Directive covers workers in the public and private sector. More specifically, it includes civil servants, the self-employed, shareholders, management, administrative or supervisory bodies, volunteers, paid or unpaid trainees, contractors, subcontractors and suppliers, individuals disclosing breaches during a recruitment process and former workers. The Directive does not encompass EU officials. For a worker to be able to invoke the protection granted by this Directive, the worker must have reasonable grounds to believe that the information reported was true at the time of reporting and that the information fell within the scope of the Directive.

Wide Ranging Policies

The Directive has a wide scope of protection not only in terms of who can be a whistleblower, but also in terms of policies that it covers. The Commission drew from many different Treaty provisions to ensure that reporting gaps are not created, although the disclosure should be related to a breach or abuse of EU law in any of the following issues: public procurement, financial services, prevention of money laundering and terrorist financing, product safety, transport safety, protection of the environment, radiation protection and nuclear safety, food and feed safety, animal health and welfare, public health, consumer protection, protection of privacy and personal data and security of network and information systems, protection of the financial interests of the Union, breaches of internal market rules, including competition and State aid rules or tax avoidance issues. Strictly national policies are not covered and neither are violations of worker’s rights and working conditions. The latter exclusion will be reviewed in future.

Disclosure Channels

One of the most contested points since the Commission proposed the Directive last year is whether protection will be made conditional on the whistleblowers first reporting internally. The Commission proposal set out a three tier reporting process, and it envisaged a mandatory disclosure first and foremost internally in the organisation. Not only was such a proposal counter to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights on the issue, but also it would have caused more harm than good, especially in Member States that have legislation in place and do not demand such strict channels.

Indeed, the role of civil society cannot be stressed enough in this regard, as it played an invaluable role in making sure that the European Parliament amended the mandatory internal reporting. EP rapporteur Rozière understood these concerns and ensured that this piece of EU legislation meets the adequate standards rather than create uncertainty in legal protection. Making this her “biggest” priority, she succeeded in defending whistleblowers to choose the best means available for disclosure. The adopted Directive foresees that whistleblowers would be protected for reporting internally or for reporting directly to regulators and competent authorities. Reporting to the public still has strings of conditions, but if there were a risk of retaliation or low prospect of the reported breach to be addressed, whistleblowers would be protected if they reported to the public. 

Applicable to Businesses and Public Administration

The Directive applies both in the private and public sector, including to local authorities. Channels for reporting must be set up by companies with more than 50 employees. Local authorities that have less than 50 employees or municipalities with less than 10,000 inhabitants are exempt from the obligation to set up channels of reporting. More guidance on how local and regional authorities should ensure protection for whistleblowers could nevertheless be found in a Resolution of the Council of Europe, which was also voted with sweeping majority earlier in April 2019 by the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, laying out in detail recommendations and the most recent data on the matter. 

Implementation and Practice

A good law in the books is of little use if its implementation in practice falls short. It will be of outmost importance that the Member States transpose this Directive in its full spirit and even push higher standards where possible. Member States will have two years to transpose the Directive to national law and civil society will continue to monitor closely and possibly facilitate national debates in how whistleblowers should be protected. After the scandals of LuxLeaks, PanamaPapers and Cambridge Analytica, citizens are becoming increasingly aware that whistleblowers play a crucial role in exposing wrongdoing and should not pay a personal price for defending public interest. National governments should take note of this public opinion and implement the EU Directive to its fullest.

Photo credit: The Guardian Nigeria

Wednesday, 30 November 2016

Could the UK stay in the single market after leaving the EU? The planned case on Article 127 EEA



Steve Peers

Might the UK stay in the single market, even if it leaves the EU? This is the issue to be raised by planned litigation relating to the UK’s position in the European Economic Area (EEA) – a zone set up by a treaty between the EU, its Member States, and Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein, which extends EU single market rules to the latter three States. It raises issues of both international and domestic law; but first, it would be useful to explain the EEA further.

The EEA

The EEA treaty was originally signed in 1991, adjusted in 1992, and come into force at the start of 1994. The aim was to extend the EU’s internal market (known as the ‘single market’ in UK political debates) to the countries which were part of the European Free Trade Area (EFTA). In the event, three of those countries decided to join the EU from 1995 (Sweden, Austria and Finland), and Switzerland decided not to sign up after all, relying on a separate network of treaties with the EU.

Some believe that the EEA is the same as the EU, but there are many differences. The EEA does not include the EU’s common trade policy, and indeed EFTA states have signed separate trade deals with non-EU countries. It also does not include EU policies on tax, justice and home affairs, foreign policy, agriculture, the single currency and fisheries, although EFTA states have signed separate agreements with the EU on aspects of these issues. In particular, while all EFTA states have signed up to the EU’s Schengen system for the abolition of internal border controls, that is a separate issue from the EEA (indeed, the treaties to become Schengen associates were signed later than the EEA).

The EEA does include applying EU laws on the free movement of goods, services, capital and people, along with the freedom of establishment.  However, EFTA states can apply an emergency safeguard to limit free movement, including the free movement of people. The EEA also involves participation in most of the EU laws concerns labour and environment, as well as competition and state aids. EFTA states make contributions to participate in EU programmes and to assist the development of poorer EU countries; but the money does not go into the EU budget and the EFTA countries have more control over how it is spent.

As regards institutions, the EFTA states have no role in EU institutions, but rather the EEA has its own bodies, where EFTA states are consulted on draft EU laws, but do not have a vote on the EU decision-making process. They are expected to apply new EU laws within the scope of the EEA (which, as noted already, does not extend to many areas of EU law-making), but they can in principle reject them, subject to the possibility of EU retaliation. They are not directly subject to the EU court, but instead take part in an EFTA Court, which usually follows the EU court’s case law – although note that some EFTA Court judgments are not binding.

Some argue that the UK should stay part of the EEA on at least an interim basis after leaving the EU, while negotiating a longer-term agreement. The basic arguments for this position are set out here; see also the EUreferendum site. One thing is clear: staying in the EEA was not on the referendum ballot paper. While comments by some on the Remain side or Leave side suggested that a vote on EU membership was also a vote on single market membership, that is not what voters actually voted on.

How to leave the EEA?

Leaving the EEA has two dimensions: international law and national law. Internationally, the only explicit way to leave the EEA is by invoking Article 127 of the EEA treaty, which says that any party can leave with at least 12 months’ notice. There is no explicit requirement to name the date of departure when giving the notice, so arguably the UK could specify the date of departure as the same date it leaves the EU. Therefore, as long as the UK gives notice to quit the EEA at least twelve months before Brexit Day, it could align leaving the EEA with leaving the EU.

What if the UK doesn’t give that notice? In that case, although Article 127 is the only explicit way to leave the EEA, some argue that that the UK would leave the EEA automatically when it leaves the EU. Why? Firstly, because the clause on territorial scope (Article 126) refers to the EU and EFTA states, but not to any other countries. Also, many of the substantive legal rules refer to the EU and EFTA states. Article 2(c) defines the contracting states as regards the EU and its Member States, and allocates responsibility as between them, but does not mention EFTA states.

If this analysis is correct, the UK could still rejoin the EEA after (or at the same time) as leaving the EU. In that case, Article 128 says the UK would have to join EFTA and apply to rejoin the EEA, subject to EU and EFTA states’ agreement, because only EU and EFTA states can join up to the EEA. (Article 128 isn’t, by itself, a good basis for arguing that the UK would have to leave the EEA if it leaves the EU, because it only addresses which countries may join the EEA in future, not which countries are members now and whether they might retain membership or implicitly lose it if they leave the EU or EFTA. It might, however, be referred to reinforce a conclusion based on Article 126 or other provisions).

So does the UK implicitly lose EEA membership if it leaves the EU? The answer isn’t clear, because the drafters of the EEA treaty never considered this possibility. On the one hand, the presence of an explicit clause on leaving presumes that states cannot implicitly cease to be EEA members. On the other hand, the substantive provisions and the clauses on territorial scope imply that leaving the EU is incompatible with being part of the EEA – unless the country concerned joins EFTA. That raises the question of how this would work: arguably there would be a ‘fundamental change of circumstances’ under Article 62 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. (Note that the latter clause can’t be used as a quick route to leave the EU, since it only applies where a change was ‘not foreseen’ by the parties; but the prospect of a state deciding to leave the EU clearly was foreseen by the parties to the EU Treaties, since Article 50 TEU refers to it).  Or the other parties to the EEA could argue that the UK had committed a ‘material breach’ of the EEA by ceasing to be an EU Member State (if the UK does not join EFTA), and terminating application to the UK under Article 60 of the Vienna Convention.

The issue is arguably relevant by analogy to many other treaties which the UK signed up to as part of the EU, in particular trade agreements. Does the UK retain its status under the EU’s free trade deals with Korea, Canada and many other countries automatically on Brexit Day, or does it lose that status and have to negotiate a separate treaty? (Arguably, the international law principle of continuity of treaties could play a role here; and the legal issue also arises of whether the UK can start negotiating replacement treaties, if it has to, before Brexit Day).  

National law aspects

The termination of the UK’s EEA membership raises different issues as a matter of national law – which perhaps is the purpose of the planned litigation. If the UK government gives notice under Article 127, or asserts that it will implicitly cease being a party to the EEA on Brexit Day, does Parliament have to give its approval?

If the government is legally obliged (as a matter of international law) to give notice of leaving the EEA separately from the Brexit process, then the case is arguably analogous with the Miller case recently decided by the High Court, and now on appeal to the UK Supreme Court.  That case raises the question of whether the UK government’s royal prerogative extends to the termination of the UK’s EU membership, or whether Parliament must approve such use of the prerogative because leaving the EU would terminate rights conferred by an Act of Parliament. Since EEA membership is referred to in the European Communities Act, and extends many (though not all) of the same rights conferred by the EU Treaties, the answer to this question which the Supreme Court ultimately gives in the Miller judgment should logically apply by analogy to the EEA.

Therefore, in this scenario, if Parliament is obliged to approve withdrawal from the EU, it is also obliged to approve withdrawal from the EEA. And since EEA membership was not on the referendum ballot paper, the force of the political argument that Parliament ought to follow the view of the majority of those voting that the UK should leave the EU is not as strong. There will undoubtedly be a political argument that the referendum vote should apply by analogy – since to some extent the issues raised often by the Leave side as regards EU membership (migration of EU citizens, contribution to the EU, control over law-making) apply also to the EEA. But, as noted already, there are possible counter-arguments: the free movement safeguard clause in the EEA, the different nature of budget contributions, and the more limited scope of the EEA compared to EU law. Participation in the EEA could also, as some Leavers have suggested, be limited in time: an interim status pending negotiation of a longer-term framework for UK/EU relations.

On the other hand, if there is no distinct legal obligation to notify departure from the EEA, because its application to the UK will necessarily cease when the UK leaves the EU, then any Parliamentary vote to approve invoking Article 50 should logically encompass also the end of EEA membership, and the legal challenge relating to the EEA may find it harder to succeed. Or if the UK government succeeds in its appeal in Miller, it would be hard to convince a court that leaving the EEA raises distinct questions from leaving the EU.

In any event, any fresh litigation on the EEA could provide an opportunity to argue about whether an Article 50 notice is revocable – and it might be argued that that issue, and/or the issues about termination of EEA status as a matter of international law, should be referred to the ECJ to decide.

See also blog posts by:

Meme: Steve Peers

Barnard & Peers: chapter 25, chapter 27

Sunday, 6 March 2016

Brexit and EU-UK trade relations with third states




‘Our trade relations with the rest of the world remain unchanged’ (Lord Lawson, 29 Feb 2016)– or not….

By Dr Markus W. Gehring, Lecturer in Law, University of Cambridge*

*Markus teaches EU External Relations Law, and is a member of the Centre for European Legal Studies and a Fellow of the Lauterpacht Centre for International Law. J.S.D. (Yale), LL.M. (Yale), Dr iur (Hamburg), MA (Cantab)


Some Brexit campaigners take a very cavalier attitude to European Union (EU) law in general but recent claims concerning the trade relations with the rest of the world require some reflection. In the quote above and elsewhere they seemed to have argued that we should not be worried about the rest of the EU penalising the UK if it withdrew from the EU, because of continuing World Trade Organisation (WTO) obligations on both sides. However, the UK’s membership in the WTO and all other mixed trade agreements (trade treaties which concluded by both the EU and its Member States) could be in jeopardy if the UK exited without a successful transitional agreement with the EU.

Since the late 1960s the EU successively assumed the exclusive competence over what it calls the common commercial policy, i.e international trade. This EU power does not concern purely commercial deals, like the sale of British trains to India; that remains the power of each Member State. Rather the EU power over trade deals concerns general policies like the tariffs (border taxes on imports) and government regulation that might be a barrier to trade.

Some might ask why we EU Member States are not allowed to strike their own trade deals with other countries. The reason is quite practical and not at all some form of EU overreach. The exclusive competence over trade is a direct consequence of the EU being a customs union, as defined by the WTO. So unlike in the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), members of a customs union can no longer set their own tariffs or do special bilateral deals with other countries. A product for which the common tariff has been paid has the right to roam freely in the entire Union and of course the imposition of individual tariffs upon goods by each Member State would require customs inspections which run counter to the free movement of goods and the single market. To conclude as concluded in the Balance of Competence Review by the UK Department of Business, Skills and Innovation: “gaining greater control over such relations with third countries means giving up benefits of access to the Single Market [in the EU].(p. 82)

No Freedom of Trade Principle in International Law

It perhaps should be noted that there is no general principle of international law which would allow for free trade as such. The reason we need agreements like the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) or the WTO (which now includes the GATT) is that it is within each state’s sovereign decision to choose to engage in trade relations or not. While there is a clear economic imperative to do so, states have chosen not to engage in international trade in the past and could do so in future. The pro-Brexit campaign seems to emphasise that UK trading partners will have an economic incentive to come to an agreement but they seem to downplay the same economic incentives with regards to the EU. In my view there is an inherent contradiction in their position because if the UK is allowed to decide ideologically about EU Membership, we can safely assume that other countries will also decide ideologically whether to engage in free trade deals with the post-Brexit UK. The vision that French farmers would block roads to force the EU to strike a free trade deal with the post-Brexit UK is quite fanciful given the French farmers general position on free trade.

EU membership assists trade relations with non-EU states

While negotiations for a new multilateral trade deal in the WTO system have been slow, more states (and the EU) are resorting to bilateral or multilateral trade deals. The EU has concluded trade agreements with about 50  countries (see map here) and is negotiating many more.  

Admittedly the UK could probably sign more trade deals with non-EU countries if it left, but there are two caveats. First, those deals aren't easy to agree while maintaining important protections such as a public health system like the NHS and public education which are areas for keen liberalisation for other countries. Second, as seen from the example of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), even if the EU has nothing to do with them, such treaties can take ages to negotiate and they remain controversial. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the EU and the USA would probably be a mixed agreement, so the UK would have a veto on it given that it would require ratification by the UK. Even if the UK left the EU and the UK forwent the considerably increased weight that the EU commands in negotiations, the USA would surely ask for similar things in TTIP from the UK even after Brexit or even more. This assumes that the US would want to negotiate one, which US officials have thus far denied. This also then counters the argument that Brexit could somehow avoid the ‘evil’ TTIP. Indeed, there would be considerably more pressure on the UK to quickly conclude a trade deal and sensitive areas, especially in services, which are liberalised in the US but not in the UK, could be on the table.

Of course some existing international agreements that are exclusive to the EU (ie no Member States are parties to them) would no longer apply to the UK in the case of Brexit.[1] This is not just a minor footnote in trade relations. Rather, some of these agreements are very sensitive for the UK and in particular for Scotland. For example the 'Scotch whisky' name is protected in Annex IV of the EC/Canada agreement on trade in wines and spirits, to which no EU Member States are parties. Even more important is the equivalent agreement with the USA, which constitutes the number one market for Scotch whisky. The EU/South Africa agreement covers another key market. Risking the continuation of these agreements could be hugely detrimental for the UK.

WTO Membership

The EU is a founding member of the World Trade Organisation (1 January 1995) and very nearly could have completely replaced its Member States if the Court of Justice in Opinion 1/94 had not decided that the final WTO Agreement and its subsequent agreement were mixed agreements in which both the EU and its Member States jointly exercise their competences. Claiming that the EU just represents its Member States as it does in other international fora is completely wrong and ignores the fact that the EU has the exclusive competence over common commercial policy (Art. 3 TFEU). Or put differently, Lord Lawson in this interview misinformed the public. He claimed that the all UK trade relationships with the rest of the world would remain unchanged and he had ‘no doubt about it’. WTO Membership is economically and geopolitically important because the organisation has 162 Member States.

But what about the claim by Brexiteers that UK trade relations with the rest of the world remain unchanged. To clarify the obvious – Lord Lawson’s assessment the UK could just continue to take part in existing trade (and new!) deals if it left the EU has no basis in the law. Rather, he inadvertently highlighted another potential uncertainty for the UK. Brexit could force the renegotiation of the terms of the UK’s WTO Membership. This is not a case of treaty succession as both entities (the UK and EU) retain their international legal personality after Brexit. So this is quite dissimilar to the discussions of treaty membership for Scotland because Scotland, unlike the UK, is not currently a party to international treaties in its own name.

Commentators have highlighted that “[a]ssuming the UK does not enter into a customs union with the EU after its withdrawal, it would no longer be part of the common [tariff] schedules. In this scenario, the UK must submit its own new schedules after the conclusion of an exit agreement with the EU if it is to remain a WTO member. These schedules need to be accepted by all other WTO members in consensus and certified following certain procedures, which might create difficulties.”[2]

While continued WTO membership of the UK as such might not be doubtful, it would have to extensively renegotiate its own tariff commitments, which has proven difficult even for important trading nations such as Russia and China. Some other WTO members who might have an interest in exerting special liberalisation commitments from the UK might even consider a non-violation complaint against the UK upon Brexit. This type of complaint is possible, even if no agreement has been violated, but if another WTO member feels that a government action or specific situation deprived it of an expected benefit. This is particularly sensitive for the GATS schedules (which concern trade in services) where further liberalisation pressure might be exerted by the UK’s trading partners.

Even if we leave EU law aside and view the matter from a public international law perspective, renegotiation of the terms of the UK’s WTO membership is inevitable. While the UK and the EU both enjoy international legal personality and the mere composition of the latter changes, this does not mean that international treaties and UK membership in international organisations such as the WTO remain wholly unaffected. While automatic termination of that membership under this perspective seems to be a bit far-fetched, the need for extensive renegotiations may nevertheless arise. The reason is a very simple one. The UK cannot honour its obligations under these agreements without being part of the EU single market. WTO membership entails extensive liberalisation commitments which are premised on the fact that the imported goods can roam freely in the Union and are treated as EU goods once customs has been cleared. 

Under this perspective the UK’s continued WTO membership as such is not doubtful but the UK alone cannot fulfill all the obligations that the EC (now the EU) entered into on behalf of its then Member States. This would require at the very least a separate submission of a tariff schedule which could be subject to negotiations with all other WTO Members. Even if the UK just copied and pasted the existing tariff commitments of the EU, the formal act of re-issuing the schedule could give rise to negotiations.

FTAs

If the UK left the EU in an unorderly fashion, the UK is unlikely, contrary to what was claimed in the last Economist, to be able to conclude trade agreements with existing EU Member States. The EU’s exclusive competence over foreign trade would also apply to negotiations between say Germany and the UK. So even if German car makers have a huge interest in a trade deal with the UK, other countries might not. 

EU Member States are not free to conclude trade agreements unilaterally which fall within the exclusive competence of the Union.  While it is unlikely that EU would not want continuing trade relations with the UK, such continuation is far from automatic. A solid understanding of EU external relations law (as for the question of the legal bindingness of the Tusk Brexit Deal) is necessary for this analysis.

Even the European Economic Area (the EEA: the agreement on access to the single market, between the EU, Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein) is explicitly only open to EU Member States and European Free Trade Area (EFTA) states. This means that the UK would have to join EFTA and then apply to join the EEA, according to the accession clause in the EEA Treaty. It should also be highlighted that as a member of the EEA many EU legislative acts are applicable (try searching EEA relevance in Eur-Lex, the EU law database) and EEA states have no discretion as to whether they participate or not if they want to maintain market access in that particular sector. In many ways the EFTA Court set up to rule on the EEA agreement has been even more liberal in its free movement of persons jurisprudence than the Court of Justice which might not be in the interest of those proposing Brexit.

In other words, if the EU wanted to make life difficult for the UK in trade relations (the Foreign Secretary called it showing the UK a rude gesture), it could. Active EU resistance might not make any economic sense but then there have been a couple of political decisions in the EU that were contrary to conventional economic wisdom recently. The thought that French farmers would demonstrate and block roads in order to actively reach a Free Trade Agreement with the UK (as suggested by Chris Grayling (at 2h36min) is absolutely illusionary and just displays that even the current Leader in the House of Commons does not understand French politics. 

Even where both the EU and the Member States (including the UK) are Parties to an agreement (like for the WTO or the majority of existing EU Free Trade Agreements (FTAs)) trade relations of the UK are very likely to change. In other words it can be argued that mixed agreements concluded by the EU and its Member States could be subject to automatic termination as far as the UK is concerned. [3] A legal reason could be the provision which determines the application of the agreement in question. Some FTAs contain a clause which defines Parties as Member States of the EU. This could call the continued participation by the UK in such an FTA into question.[4] There are also clauses which determine the territorial scope of these FTAs. For example Article 360 of the Association Agreement between EU and Central American States restricts the application of the agreement to countries, in which the EU Treaties apply and again this could call the continued application of these treaties to the UK into question.[5] In any case the third country will have the right to terminate its trade relationship with the UK.[6]  So “[w]hilst the UK is a party to such agreements, the rights which it has enjoyed under their provisions, as well as the obligations it has assumed, would not continue to apply automatically. For instance, mixed agreements may be of an essentially bilateral nature. This is suggested by both their context and wording.  It has also been affirmed by the Court which, in European Development Fund, held that the Lomé Convention between the EU and its Member States and African, Caribbean and Pacific states ‘established an essentially bilateral ACP-EEC cooperation’” [omitting footnotes][7].

It also has to be highlighted that it is now practice in the EU to provisionally apply mixed-agreement-FTAs as regards the EU (as distinct from its Member States). So while the UK already derives trade benefits from those agreements by virtue of its EU membership, the UK is not even a party to them yet until all EU Member States have ratified them. Since it is not yet a party to those agreements, it obviously could not remain a party to them after Brexit. This applies to the EU’s FTAs with Peru and ColombiaCentral America, Eastern and Southern African States, Cameroon, more Southern African States, and most Caribbean countries,

For all FTAs the right for non-EU countries to request re-negotiations either with the UK alone or with both the EU and the UK separately arises. The non-EU countries might not have a direct economic incentive to re-negotiate trade deals and the EU, the UK and the trading partner could just amicably amend the FTAs to reflect the different status of the UK in such an arrangement. This would be the best case scenario but it will still require negotiations and a lot of good will on the side of the trading partners including the EU and all its remaining Member States.

Some have argued that the principle of continuity in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties would militate against any finding of automatic termination or re-negotiation.[8] While the principle of continuity was mainly designed for state succession and changes in government, it cannot be applied in this situation. Where the UK can no longer fulfill obligations under these treaties by virtue of having left the Single Market, automatic continuity cannot be assumed.

Another reason why renewed negotiations might be necessary is the concept of fundamentally changed circumstance, which is also referred to in the Vienna Convention. Reliance on this principle of public international law by smaller trading nations in the WTO would fail, because it would only give them the right to terminate the WTO treaty, which is not in their interest.[9] However the EU and its Member States could probably invoke the concept vis-à-vis the UK and terminate their FTA relationships outside the WTO context.

As we can see even the most favourable scenario for the UK involves plenty of goodwill (and probably economic concessions by the UK) on all sides. The continuation of bilateral trade deals would depend on both EU and the third country trading partner and not the UK interest alone, so quite the opposite of “trade relations with the rest of the world remain unchanged”. 



Barnard & Peers: chapter 25
Photo credit: commons.wikimedia.org



[1] See Panos Koutrakos “Editorial - Brexit and international treaty-making” [2016] European Law Review 1
[2] Ibid. p. 54.
[3] Katrin Fernekeß, Solveiga Palevičienė and Manu Thadikkaran “The Future Of The United Kingdom In Europe - Exit Scenarios And Their Implications On Trade Relations” Graduate Institute Trade and Investment Law Clinic Papers, 2013, 07 January 2014, Geneva, online: Tohttp://graduateinstitute.ch/files/live/sites/iheid/files/sites/ctei/shared/CTEI/working_papers/CTEI_2013-01_LawClinic_FutureUKinEurope.pdf
[4] Ibid. p. 49
[5] Ibid. p. 50. 
[6] Ibid. p. 50.
[7] Panos Koutrakos “Editorial - Brexit and international treaty-making” [2016] European Law Review 1.
[8] The relevant ILC Report stated very clearly (http://legal.un.org/ilc/documentation/english/a_cn4_120.pdf): “In consequence, the treaty obligation, once assumed by or on behalf of the State, is not affected, in respect of its international validity or operative force, by any of the following circumstances: (a) That there has been a change of government or regime in any State party to the treaty; (b) That some particular organ of the State (whether executive, administrative, legislative or judicial) is responsible for any breach of the treaty; (c) That a diminution in the assets of the State, or territorial changes affecting the extent of the area of the State by loss or transfer of territory (but not affecting its existence or identity as a State), have occurred, unless the treaty itself specifically relates to the particular assets or territory concerned. In all such cases, the treaty obligation remains internationally valid, and the State will incur responsibility for any failure to carry it out.”
[9] Many thanks to Dr Michael Waibel for highlighting this point.