Showing posts with label EEA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label EEA. Show all posts

Tuesday, 4 May 2021

The tug o’ war for subcontracting in public procurement

 



 

Trygve Harlem Losnedahl, Doctoral Research Fellow at the University of Oslo, Centre for European Law.

 

Current interest

 

Brussels’ internal market watchdogs are communicating diverging views on subcontracting in public procurement.

 

In a large report on good practice for socially responsible procurement from May 2020, the Commission praises the Norwegian municipality of Skien’s model to combat social dumping and work related crime in public procurement.* Among the measures taken by the municipality is to limit the length of the contract chain to increase transparency and control, by requiring that every sub-contractor must be under the direct control of the main contractor.

 

At the same time, the EFTA Surveillance Authority (ESA), which corresponds to the Commission with regard to the EEA-states of Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway, has sent a letter of formal notice to Norway claiming that a less restrictive national limitation on subcontracting chains is contrary to EU law. The Norwegian national rule applies to the construction and cleaning sectors, and sets the maximum length of three links in the contract chain, i.e. main contractor, sub-contractors and sub-sub-contractors. In the letter of formal notice, ESA leans heavily on a CJEU preliminary ruling from 26 September 2019, C-63/18 Vitali (see brief comments on the judgment by David McGowan in PPLR 2020 issue 1). Vitali was the first ruling from CJEU under the “new” procurement directives of 2014 regarding limitations on subcontracting. The ruling has apparently left quite some uncertainty.

 

In the following, I will give a brief background of the conflicting interests in limitations on subcontracting in public procurement, and case law up until the adoption of the new procurement directives of 2014. A presentation of the Vitali-case will then follow before I (critically) assess ESAs interpretation of the Vitali-case and ESA’s application of the Vitali-case on the Norwegian legislation.

 

The background – getting to the Vitali-case

 

To subcontract or not to subcontract, that has been the question in a number of judgments from the CJEU during the last thirty years (especially Cases C-389/92 Ballast Nedam Groep I, C-5/97 Ballast Nedam Groep II, C-176/98 Holst Italia, C-314/01 Siemens AG Österreich and ARGE Telekom & Partner, C-94/12 Swm Costruzioni 2 and Mannocchi Luigino). There has been a kind of tug-o-war where public buyers have been pulling for a right to limit subcontracting, for such reasons as preventing work related crime (Vitali) and quality control of the procured services (C-406/14 Wroclaw and C-94/12 Swm Costruzioni 2 SpA and Mannocchi Luigino DI). On the other side, supporters of unrestricted competition on the internal market have been pulling to reduce any limitations which could make public contracts less attractive for businesses. From an internal market perspective, limitations on subcontracting are seen as restrictions on the right to provide services. It has especially been seen as restraining small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs). Because SMEs are unable to compete for large public contracts, the only way for SMEs to get a slice of the larger public contracts is via the main contractor, i.e. via the main contractor’s right to subcontract.

 

The interpretation in favour of open competition reached a peak in the Wroclaw-case (C-406/14 Wroclaw), which was decided under the now repealed 2004-directive, and has similar facts as the Vitali-case. The Polish city Wroclaw initiated a procurement procedure for a roadworks contract. The tender specifications set out that tenderers were “obliged to perform at least 25% of the works covered by the contract using its own resources”. In other words, no more than 75% of the works for the specific contract could be subcontracted. Such a tender requirement was compatible with the Polish law at the time, and the Polish government argued that it was compatible with the 2004-directive article 26. Article 26 allowed contracting authorities to “lay down special conditions relating to the performance of a contract, provided that these are compatible with Community law and are indicated in the contract notice or in the specifications.” Article 26 also stated that such conditions relating to the performance of a contract could concern social and environmental considerations.

 

The CJEU found that the 25%-stipulation was contrary to EU law, i.e. the stipulation that the main contractor had to perform 25% of the works itself. The court ruled that the 2004-directive art. 48(3) provided a right to subcontract which was “in principle, unlimited” (para 33). As regards to the argument set out by the Polish government that the 25%-stipulation was a “special condition” allowed under article 26, the court rejected the view. The court stated that “since [the 25%-stipulation] is contrary to Article 48(3)”, the stipulation “is contrary to EU law”. As mentioned, the wording of art. 26 contains the reservation that special contract conditions have to be “compatible with Community law”. Thus, the court must be understood as concluding that since another article of the directive gives a right to subcontract, special conditions under art. 26 which limits that right, are incompatible with union law. As one can see, the court gave the general right to subcontract according to article 48(3) precedence over art. 26, and left art. 26 basically without any substance in relation to setting conditions which could limit subcontracting.

 

To further underscore the court’s view on the right to use subcontractors as a strongly protected right, AG Sharpston argued that in her view, there was only one permissible restriction on subcontracting (paras 31-34). Namely, when contracting authorities are not in a position to verify the technical and economic capacities of the subcontractors and those subcontractors are to perform essential parts of the public contract. The court had opened for such an exception in C‑314/01 Siemens and ARGE Telekom (para 45-46).

 

As I will comment on further below, the 2014-directives intended to put more emphasis on social, environmental and labour protective considerations, thus tilting the balance back from the unrestricted market position.

 

The Vitali-case

 

On 18 April 2016, the Italian legislature adopted legislation which set out that “any subcontracting shall not exceed 30% of the total amount of the contract for works, services or supplies” (para. 9). In other words, 70% of the contract value had to be performed by the main contractor, and there were no exceptions from this 30% limitation. The legislation’s main objective was to combat Italy’s many criminal organizations, which regularly made use of subcontracting in public contracts due to the reduced transparency and division of responsibility that comes with subcontracting. (Reduced transparency and control in contract chains is also highlighted in the Commission report on socially responsible procurement in a case study from Copenhagen (page 240).)

 

The Vitali-case (C‑63/18) treated a restricted tendering procedure launched by the publicly owned Autostrade per l’Italia SpA in August 2016, for the award of works on a motorway close to Milan. The contract value was roughly 85 million euros. Vitali SpA placed an offer in which more than 30% of the service was to be performed by subcontractors. Vitali was excluded since the offer did not comply with the new national 30%-limitation on subcontracting.

 

One does not have to be a trained lawyer to see the apparent discordance between the ruling of the Wroclaw-case and the new Italian 30%-limitation. It follows from the Vitali-judgment that the Italian legislature was aware of the conflict between the ECJ case law and the 30%-limitation, but that the legislature took the new 2014-directives as an opportunity to adopt measures which the former directives prohibited (paragraph 16). However, Italy’s view fell on deaf ears at the court. The court chose to render its judgment without an Opinion from the Advocate General.

 

The CJEUs main reasoning is found in paragraph 38 to 42 of the judgment. The court presents its conclusion (somewhat pre-emptively) in paragraph 38, that the Italian limitation “goes beyond what is necessary” to combat criminal organizations. In paragraph 39, the court presents the legal basis for the necessity condition, namely that article 18 of the directive obliges the contracting authority to observe the principle of proportionality. In paragraph 40 and 41, the court presents arguments for the disproportionality of the Italian 30%-limitation, before it in paragraph 42 argues that combating crime could be achieved with less restrictive measures, thus returning in paragraph 43 to the conclusion that “a restriction on the use of subcontracting such as that at issue in the main proceedings cannot be regarded as compatible with Directive 2014/24”.

 

Since ESAs proceedings against Norway is based on an interpretation especially of the Courts reasoning in paragraph 40 and 41, I cite them in full:

 

“40  In particular, as pointed out in paragraph 30 of the present judgment, the national legislation at issue in the main proceedings prohibits, in general and abstract terms, use of subcontracting which exceeds a fixed percentage of the public contract concerned, so that that prohibition applies whatever the economic sector concerned by the contract at issue, the nature of the works or the identity of the subcontractors. Furthermore, such a general prohibition does not allow for any assessment on a case-by-case basis by the contracting entity (see, by analogy, judgment of 5 April 2017, Borta, C‑298/15, EU:C:2017:266, paragraphs 54 and 55).

 

41 It follows that, in the context of national legislation such as that at issue in the main proceedings, in respect of all contracts, a significant part of the works, supplies or services concerned must be performed by the tenderer itself, failing which it will be automatically excluded from the procurement procedure, including where the contracting entity would be able to verify the identity of the subcontractors concerned and would take the view, after verification, that such a prohibition is not necessary in order to combat organised crime in the context of the contract in question.”

 

ESA’s (mistaken) reasoning

 

As mentioned, ESA has sent a letter for formal notice to Norway claiming that a national legislation which limits subcontracting chains, is contrary to EU/EEA-law. Norway has rejected ESA’s view, and ESA is currently assessing whether to instigate infringement proceedings before the EFTA court (the EFTA equivalent of the CJEU under the EEA Agreement). ESA states in the letter that it “relies on the judgment of the CJEU in Vitali to conclude that the necessity condition is not met”, i.e. that the Norwegian three chain limitation on subcontracting in public procurement is not necessary to combat work related crime.

 

In my opinion, ESA makes three mistakes in its interpretation and application of the Vitali-case. Firstly, ESA cherry-picks legal sources, not taking sufficiently into account amendments in the new directive. Secondly, ESA mistakes a characterization by the CJEU for criterion. Thirdly, ESA fails in its assessment of the similarities and differences between the Italian and the Norwegian rule. I will substantiate these three claims in the following.

 

Mistake 1: Cherry picking legal sources from the 2004-directive, and ignoring changes to the new directive

 

The “new” 2014-directives intended to open more for social, environmental and labour protective considerations, thus tilting the scale a bit back from pursuing the goal of an ever less restricted competition on the internal market. The Commission report addresses this in its introduction:

 

“The 2014 Public Procurement Directives make it clear that social aspects can be taken into account throughout the procurement cycle, from preliminary market consultation, through to the use of reservations and the light regime, and to social award criteria and contract performance conditions. Public buyers across Europe are starting to take advantage of these opportunities and demonstrate real social impact in their purchasing. Despite this, Member States are not yet fully exploiting the possibilities of public procurement as a strategic tool to support social policy objectives.”

 

The most important amendment of the directives in this regard, was the articles on principles of procurement. The “principles-clause” in the 2004/18-directive (article 2) only included the principle of equality, transparency and non-discrimination. When the EU legislator adopted the 2014-directives, it included in the new “principles-clause” (article 18 of the 2014/24 directive) a requirement that economic operators must comply with applicable obligations in the fields of environmental, social and labour law. In Tim SpA (C-395/18) paragraph 38, the CJEU underlined that “the Union legislature sought to establish” the requirement to comply with social, environmental and labour law as a principle of procurement law, “like the other principles”, i.e. equal treatment, non-discrimination, transparency, proportionality and prohibiting the exclusion of a contract from the scope of Directive 2014/24 or artificially narrowing competition. In other words, the CJEU understood (and accepted) the EU legislators’ view that these social principles should be on the same foot as the traditional inner-market principles.

 

Through article 18, the EU-legislator also clarified and limited what had been argued to be a (wide) principle of competition in public procurement law. (See especially Sanchez Graells “Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules”, 2nd edition, 2015, and for an opposing view, Sue Arrowsmith, "Purpose of the EU Procurement Directives: Ends, Means and the Implications for National Regulatory Space for Commercial and Horizontal Procurement Policies, The," Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 14 (2011-2012): 1-48.) Article 18 now establishes that “[t]he design of the procurement shall not be made with the intention of excluding it from the scope of this Directive or of artificially narrowing competition.” By including “intention” and “artificially” in the wording of the “principles clause”, it is clear that the competition principle includes a subjective element. Even though it is not clear how this will be interpreted and operationalized, there must be an “intention” in some form by the public buyer to “artificially narrowing” competition.

 

Unlike the Commission report, ESA does not appear to take this development in legislation, nor new case law, into account. ESA does not comment on the development of the directive’s “principles clause”, nor on Tim SpA.

 

Quite to the contrary, ESA appears to cherry pick some of the more “competition friendly” case law from the CJEU, even though this case law concerns the now repealed 2004-directives and despise the fact there exists relevant case law concerning the 2014-directives. An example is that ESA chooses to cite Borta (C-298/15) when it argues that the Norwegian sub-contracting limitation puts unjustified restrictions on competition, even though the CJEU explicitly states in Borta that the new 2014-directive “cannot be taken into consideration in order to answer the questions referred” (para. 29). In Borta the CJEU strongly underscored the interest of competition, as it wrote that “it is the concern of the European Union to ensure the widest possible participation by tenderers in a call for tenders” (para. 48). As to relevant case law under the 2014-directive, Vitali itself addresses the goal of competition under 2014-directive, but the wording that CJEU uses in Vitali (para. 27) is that it is “in the interests of the European Union to ensure, in the field of public procurement, that the opening up of competition in tendering procedures is enhanced.” – in other words, a quite more reserved formulation.

 

ESA’s choosing and interpretation of legal sources, as opposed to the Commission’s, directs ESA to a view which excessively emphasizes the interest of unrestricted competition. This naturally affects ESA’s assessment of the proportionality of the Norwegian limitation.

 

Mistake 2: Characterization, not criteria

 

The other mistake is that ESA takes Vitali’s characterization of the Italian rule as “general and abstract” for criteria. Under the heading “Assessment of the necessity condition”, ESA begins:

 

“The Authority [i.e. ESA] relies on the judgment of the CJEU in Vitali to conclude that the necessity condition is not met… In reaching its conclusion, the CJEU relied on the fact that the [Italian] provision was in general and abstract terms, so that the prohibition applied whatever the economic sector concerned by the contract at issue, the nature of the works or the identity of the subcontractors, and that it did not allow for any assessment on a case-by-case basis by the contracting entity.

 

The Authority considers [the Norwegian provisions] to be materially similar to the provision in Vitali in that they are also in general and abstract terms and do not allow for any case-by-case assessment as to whether or not they are necessary to meet their objective.”

 

In the letter, ESA returns to an assessment of whether the Norwegian rule is set in “general and abstract” terms and if it allows for a proper case-by-case assessment. ESA holds that the Vitali-judgment establishes these as two criteria, which each is sufficient to conclude that at national limitation on the right to subcontract in public procurement is contrary to the proportionality principle, i.e. the necessity condition. The two criteria are (1) that the limitation is set “in general and abstract terms”, or (2) does “not allow for a case-by-case assessment”.

 

As to the first of these two, i.e. “general and abstract terms”, ESA has mistaken a characterization for criteria. When the CJEU writes that the Italian provision was set "in general and abstract terms", it must be understood as a characterization of the Italian percentage rule, not as a criterion for what types of provisions that are (always) considered to fall short of the necessity condition. In law making, general and abstract rules have been an ideal ever since the first (and less successful) codifications of the Enlightenment, such as the very detailed style of the Prussian ALR of 1794, with its 19 160 articles at a detailing level such as “to a library is to be counted the shelves and cabinets where the books are located” (Anners, Erik: ''europeiske rettens historie''. Utg. Universitetsforl.. 1983. Page 211-212).

 

More importantly, such a criterion would be quite impossible to apply. What does it mean that a rule is general or abstract? How do you measure generalness or abstractness of a provision? When does a rule tip to general and abstract from, I suppose, specific and concrete?

 

ESA does not try to develop or elaborate how it understands the criteria of “general and abstract”. ESA does however conclude that the Norwegian three-chain limitation is not “general”, since it is limited to the sectors of construction and cleaning services. Even so, ESA finds that the limitations “are otherwise in abstract terms”, as they “apply limitations on subcontracting based on the number of links in the chain without any further assessment of the nature of the works/services or the identity of the subcontractors.”

 

In my view, neither “general” nor “abstract” are criteria that the CJEU established to assess the necessity of limitations on subcontracting. What the CJEU did in Vitali was to look at the specific traits of the national limitation, to assess whether the limitation was necessary to achieve the limitation’s goal of combatting organized crime. The specific traits that the CJEU highlighted in Vitali paragraph 40, were that it “prohibits, in general and abstract terms, use of subcontracting which exceeds [1] a fixed percentage of the public contract concerned, so that that prohibition [2] applies whatever the economic sector concerned by the contract at issue, [3] the nature of the works or [4] the identity of the subcontractors. Furthermore, such a general prohibition [5] does not allow for any assessment on a case-by-case basis by the contracting entity…” [Numbers added to clarify the different elements].

 

As is often the case when the CJEU undertakes a proportionality assessment, it does not state whether each of the elements in its reasoning are to be understood as criteria that are necessary and/or sufficient for reaching the same conclusion in similar cases. As I have shown above, ESA understands “general and abstract terms” as criteria that are sufficient to conclude that a limitation on subcontracting falls short of the proportionality test. This leads ESA to an all too narrow approach to the necessity condition, instead of a comprehensive assessment where all relevant traits of a national limitation are taken into account.

 

Mistake 3: Not identifying the differences

 

I will here highlight three important differences between the Italian rule in the Vitali-case and the Norwegian rule, which ESA, as opposed to the Commission, misses and/or misjudges.

 

Firstly, the Italian rule applied to all sectors and all contracts. The Norwegian rule is limited to the construction and cleaning sectors, which are sectors especially troubled with work related crime. As shown above, ESA finds that this sectorial limitation does not make the Norwegian rule as “general” as the Italian, but since ESA means that the Norwegian rule is otherwise set in “abstract terms”, it concludes that it has similar shortfalls as the Italian rule. In my view, this is a misjudgement by ESA, which follows from ESA’s own form of Begriffsjurisprudenz, where “abstract” is mistakenly applied as a legal criteria. The differences in sectorial scope of the Norwegian and Italian rules is highly relevant in a normal proportionality assessment. Since the Norwegian rule only applies to two sectors, it is a less restrictive measure than the Italian pan-sectorial rule.

 

The second important difference is that the Italian rule prohibited main contractors from subcontracting more than 70 % of the value of the contract to subcontractors, whereas the Norwegian rule prohibited tenderers from allowing more than two links of subcontractors in the contract chain, i.e. the main contractor, subcontractors and sub-subcontractors. The Norwegian rule sets limitations neither on the value that can be sub-contracted nor on the total numbers for subcontractors or sub-subcontractors, just the length of each chain.

 

The Commission report highlights both these two traits of the Norwegian rule in its presentation of the procurement policy of the municipality of Skien. The municipality has established a main rule of maximum one level of subcontracting under the main supplier, i.e. an even more restrictive rule than the national two-level-limitation. The Commission report argues:

 

“While there is no restriction on the number of subcontractors or the proportion of the contract subcontracted, all subcontractors must be under direct control of the main contractor in order to avoid fragmentation of responsibility. This provision accounts for possible specialisation needs within a contract and does not impair access to public procurement by smaller operators.”

 

Under the Norwegian limitation, subcontractors can carry out 100 % of the works. That was impossible under Italian law, where 70 % had to be carried out by the main contractor itself. So, where the Italian rule effectively removes 70% of the public procurement market of large contracts from SMEs, the same cannot be said of the Norwegian rule. This is a major difference between the Norwegian and Italian limitations.

 

ESA does identify that the Italian provision “limited the proportion of the contract which could be subcontracted”, but ESA does not appear to see, or does not find it of relevance, that the consequence of such a 30 % proportional limitation is that 30 % of the public procurement market is made unavailable to SMEs.

 

The third important difference between the Norwegian and Italian rule, is that the Norwegian rule, unlike the Italian, has exceptions. Norwegian contracting authorities can accept longer supply chains in construction and cleaning contracts when it is “necessary to ensure adequate competition” and where unforeseen circumstances mean that more links are necessary for the contract to be performed. ESA dismisses the relevance of the second since it only addresses practical issues. ESA dismisses the first, since the condition for the exception is “to ensure adequate competition”. ESA means that the condition for the case-by-case assessment should not be conditioned upon the necessity of “adequate competition”, but on the necessity to achieve the objective of the restrictive measure, i.e. to combat work related crime. I agree with ESA that such an exception would better encompass the elements of the EU/EEA proportionality test. In the overall proportionality assessment however, I mean that the case-by-case possibility adds to the conclusion that the Norwegian limitation is in accordance with the proportionality principle in Article 18 of the directive.

 

Conclusion

 

The procedure is still ongoing between ESA and Norway. ESA required more information from Norway on the applicability of the exception, which was provided by the Government in mid-February. ESA is now assessing whether to file an infringement procedure before the EFTA court. Given the uncertainty ESA’s position has stirred up, at least in the EFTA-states, and especially among municipalities and labour unions, we can hope ESA actually files a lawsuit – and loses.

 

* The Report is by the Executive Agency for Small and Medium-sized Enterprises, published 4 June 2020, page 63-64. The report was updated in September 2020, where it is stated on page 63: “This updated version of the report omits a paragraph on subcontracting elements of this practice, which was included in the original version. The paragraph has been removed pursuant to doubts which arose with respect to the lawfulness of such elements.”

 

Photo credit: Erik den yngre, via Wikimedia commons

Wednesday, 13 June 2018

Brexit: Some conceptual clarifications concerning EFTA and the EEA






Dr. Michael Sánchez Rydelski and Cath Howdle*



*Respectively Member and Deputy Director of the Legal Service of the EFTA Surveillance Authority. Nothing in the present article binds or necessarily reflects the views of the EFTA Surveillance Authority.



1. Introduction



This contribution does not intend to offer a solution to the Brexit conundrum: that is a matter for governments and negotiation teams. The following comments are merely intended to serve as a guide to some of the more important aspects of the European Free Trade Association (“EFTA”) and the European Economic Area (“EEA”).



In the present contribution, we aim to explain briefly what EFTA or EFTA-EEA membership may offer the United Kingdom (“UK”), to clarify the relationship between EFTA and the EEA, to articulate how each option might be exercised, and to debunk a few misconceptions that have been doing the rounds.



2. The approaching vacuum



Once the transitional period ends, the UK’s definitive exit from the European Union (“EU”) will create a vacuum, in terms of preferential trade and market access arrangements with the UK’s current trading partners. It is commonly understood that at the point of its final departure, the UK will lose its preferential market access to the EU’s Single Market, unless an arrangement can be agreed. However, what is less commonly articulated is the consideration that the UK will simultaneously find itself empty-handed concerning trade with its non-EU partners, as it will also lose its participation in a number of free trade arrangements the EU has concluded with third countries, such as Canada, Singapore and South Korea.



How the UK will fill this vacuum is still unknown. However, it is already clear that concluding a new free trade agreement with the EU, while negotiating free trade agreements with non-EU partners, will be a time-consuming and resource-intensive exercise. No serious predictions can be made as to how long it will take to finalise - let alone ratify - these arrangements, but it is obvious that this will not be a quick fix.



In addition, the processes of negotiating a new relationship with the EU and a whole host of new arrangements with non-EU partners will be intertwined. Non-EU partners might be reluctant to finalise trade arrangements with the UK until the position between the UK and the EU has been sorted out. This process will be likely to have a negative impact on the UK’s economic development.



3. Existing models



Given this dilemma, the legitimate question needs to be raised whether existing models could be used to overcome this uncertainty in the short to mid-term perspective.



Two ideas for the UK have been raised over the course of the last few months:



-          to re-join EFTA as a means of maintaining at least free trade with non-EU partners, while ceasing to be a party to the EEA Agreement (“the EFTA option”); or



-          to re-join EFTA while remaining a party to the EEA Agreement (“the EFTA-EEA option”).



4. The EFTA option



4.1. What would the EFTA option look like?



EFTA is an intergovernmental trade organisation comprising four Member States, namely Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway and Switzerland. The UK was a founding member of EFTA in 1960,[i] before leaving in 1973 to join the then European Community. EFTA functions on the legal basis of the EFTA Convention, which promotes free trade between its existing four EFTA States (intra-EFTA trade).[ii] EFTA is also a platform for an extensive network of free trade arrangements between the EFTA States and third countries.



There are some important factors to consider with regard to the EFTA option:



First, EFTA membership is not based upon joining a customs union or single market. Foreign trade policy remains at national level. The EFTA Convention established a free trade area, not a customs union.



Second, the UK’s EFTA membership could be envisaged without participation in the EU’s Single Market. EFTA is a classical international trade organisation and membership of EFTA does not mean having to remain a party to the EEA Agreement.



Third, unlike the EU, EFTA does not envisage political integration. There is no element of “ever closer political union” in the EFTA Convention, the focus is on economic integration. Nor is there a direct mechanism for incorporating EU rules into the EFTA Convention.



Fourth, EFTA does not establish any supranational institutions: there is no specific EFTA compliance mechanism or court. Chapter 17 of the EFTA Convention, entitled “Consultations and Dispute Settlement”, provides for a dispute settlement mechanism to deal with any matters of controversy arising from the Convention. This enforcement mechanism follows a classical arbitration approach, distinguishable both from the judicial procedures available under EU/EEA law and from the more judicial dispute settlement procedure under WTO rules.



Any new EFTA membership would entail the acceding State applying to also become a party to the Free Trade Agreements (“FTAs”) EFTA has negotiated with third countries. EFTA has currently a network of 27 concluded FTAs, covering 38 countries, which cover substantially similar areas as those of the EFTA Convention.[iii] Among these 27 FTAs are trading partners such as Canada, Chile, Colombia, Hong Kong, South Korea, Mexico, Morocco, Peru, Philippines, Singapore, the Southern African Customs Union, Tunisia, Turkey and the Ukraine.



The term “FTAs” needs to be qualified, as EFTA as such is not a party to these agreements. The Contracting Parties to an FTA are the EFTA States on the one side and the partner country on the other, since foreign trade policy remains within the competence of the EFTA States.[iv] The UK would consequently be free to negotiate its own bilateral FTAs. Still, negotiating future market access in a group with four other economically successful countries enhances the scaling effect and will provide more weight in negotiations.



Finally, EFTA also deals with the relationship between some EFTA States, namely Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway, and the EU by way of the EEA Agreement, through which these EFTA States participate in the EU’s Single Market.[v] Consequently, EFTA membership would also leave the door open to consider later possible EEA membership.



4.2. How could the UK take the EFTA option?



The procedure for re-joining EFTA is not highly formalistic. EFTA membership is open. Article 56(1) of the EFTA Convention provides for the possibility for other States to accede to it. The EFTA Convention does not contain any specific conditions for accession. The terms of accession would be determined in the negotiations with the applying State. Upon completion of these negotiations, the EFTA Council[vi] would take a decision approving the accession, setting out the terms and conditions thereof. The EFTA Convention would enter into force in relation to an acceding State on the date stipulated in an EFTA Council decision.[vii]



5. The EFTA-EEA option



5.1. What would the EFTA-EEA option look like?



The EEA Agreement was signed in 1992 and came into force in 1994. This is an agreement between the European Union and its Member States, on the one hand, and three EFTA States, namely Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway (“EFTA-EEA States”), on the other. The UK is a signatory to the EEA Agreement as a member of the EU. Switzerland, the fourth EFTA State, is not a Contracting Party to the EEA Agreement. The relationship between Switzerland and the EU is based upon a series of bilateral agreements.



There are three important factors to consider regarding the EFTA-EEA option:



First, the EEA Agreement does not establish a customs union but it does set up a single market. The EEA Agreement aims to ensure a balanced playing field between the EU Member States and the EFTA-EEA States through provisions on free movement of goods and capital, freedom of establishment and freedom to provide services. It also sets out State aid and competition law parallel to the EU’s rules. If the UK were to become an EFTA-EEA State, it would not be prevented from making a customs arrangement with the EU.



Second, the EEA single market is more limited than the EU Single Market. It is limited in terms of the material scope of what it covers – for example, it does not cover fisheries and agriculture, or VAT. There is no “EEA citizenship” – this is not a part of EU law which is reflected in the EEA. Similarly, there is no Charter of Fundamental Rights, and no requirement for a State which is party to the EEA Agreement to also be a member of the European Convention on Human Rights (although all 31 States are parties to the ECHR, and the EFTA Court has made reference to human rights). Nor does the EEA Agreement cover any of the justice and home affairs parts of the EU Single Market (so no European Arrest Warrant, for example). However, EFTA-EEA States have the possibility to “opt in” by agreement to initiatives in the area of freedom, justice and security, or can conclude treaties with the EU based on these arrangements, which are separate from the EEA. While every EFTA State participates in the EU’s Schengen system, this is also legally separate from the EEA.



Third, the EEA ensures access to the EU Single Market based on regulatory alignment and is self-policing.



The EFTA-EEA States can access the single market if they adhere to the rules set out in the EEA Agreement, and if their regulations are aligned with those in the EU. The chosen mechanism for doing so is to incorporate EU regulations and directives into the annexes to the EEA Agreement, and then to make those regulations and directives part of national law in the EFTA-EEA States.



This is a model of regulatory alignment which is not a million miles away from the current proposal for a UK/EU transitional agreement.[viii] The EFTA-EEA model has two advantages over this proposal. First, the EFTA-EEA States can participate in the preparatory stages of the EU legislative process (a voice which would be louder if the UK were part of the EFTA-EEA bloc). Second, the process of incorporation of a piece of EU legislation into the EEA Agreement’s annexes comes with the opportunity to negotiate adaptation texts. Furthermore, the EFTA-EEA States can also notify “constitutional requirements” (notably a vote in the national parliament) before accepting a piece of EU secondary legislation into the annexes to the EEA Agreement. This, however, can create delays in ensuring full regulatory alignment – as we have seen in the financial services sector.



In ensuring compliance with the EEA Agreement, the EFTA-EEA States have established two independent bodies; the EFTA Surveillance Authority (“ESA”) and the EFTA Court. ESA monitors the EFTA-EEA States’ implementation and application of the EEA Agreement and all regulations and directives in the annexes. If the EFTA-EEA State has not met its obligations, it can be brought before the EFTA Court. The EFTA Court also delivers judgments in cases brought against ESA decisions, and delivers judgments interpreting EEA law (known as advisory opinions) in cases which are referred from national courts.



Readers who are familiar with the EU system of monitoring and oversight will not find the EEA system wholly unfamiliar. There are, however, three important differences. First, there is no possibility for ESA to obtain penal damages against an EFTA-EEA State which continues to infringe EEA law after an EFTA Court judgment against it. Instead the matter is resolved by recourse to the Joint Committee of the EEA (comprising representatives from the EFTA-EEA States and from the EU). Second, advisory opinions are non-binding and leave the referring court free to follow a different course of action in reaching a judgment (subject to the rules on loyal cooperation, and the potential for follow-up action from ESA if the judgment leads to an infringement of EEA law). Third, the EFTA Court cannot annul legislation.



It is worth noting that the compliance system established by the EEA is rather unique in terms of its set-up as an international law compliance system, in two respects.



First, unlike the classical model of dispute resolution for international agreements (involving a tripartite tribunal of one person appointed by each side and a neutral arbiter) the EEA model is self-policing. The EFTA-EEA States each nominate a College member to lead ESA (which is an independent organisation charged with ensuring compliance) and each nominate a judge to sit on the EFTA Court. The appointments are made by the EFTA-EEA States jointly: there is no EU involvement. Nor is there an EU appointee or representative in ESA or on the EFTA Court bench.



The absence of an EU judge is compensated for by the principle of homogeneity; which provides that there should be a level playing field across the two parts of the EEA (in the EU and in the EFTA –EEA States). However, this does not mean that the EFTA Court always follows the CJEU: the CJEU has also followed the EFTA Court. There is also extensive judicial dialogue between the two courts. Moreover, representatives from the EFTA-EEA States and ESA are entitled to be heard in cases before the CJEU (and vice versa). This system would benefit the UK in that it would not lose its voice when EU rules are interpreted by the CJEU (with an obvious knock-on impact in situations of regulatory alignment).



Certain commentators have suggested that the CJEU is able to overrule the EFTA Court in the event of disagreement. However, this is not the case: if there is a serious and sustained divergence in the case-law (which there never has been, despite some differences in interpretation), the Joint Committee may be convened to deal with this issue (which it never has been) and if it fails to reach an agreement on an interpretation of EEA law, it may choose to refer a matter to the CJEU for interpretation. This does not amount to an ability for the CJEU to overrule the EFTA Court.



The second respect in which the EEA compliance system differs from the classical international model is that it is not simply state-to-state dispute resolution. The system of preliminary references established in the EU (which permits citizens to exercise their rights more effectively) is mirrored in the advisory opinions process at the EFTA Court: an ordinary person or business can bring a case before a national court, and if a question of interpretation of EEA law arises then it can be answered by the EFTA Court (instead of the same citizen or business having to try to bring their country to justice before an international tribunal for an incorrect interpretation, or to rely on a state-to-state action).



Similarly, ESA’s compliance activities are triggered by complaints and ESA has extensive contact with citizens, businesses and NGOs, in order to ensure that people who derive rights from EEA law can take advantage of those rights. Likewise, interested parties can bring cases before the EFTA Court in the event that they consider an ESA decision to be ill-founded. This is a system which does not simply leave dispute resolution in the hands of a state versus state court, but brings citizens into the picture in the exercise of rights granted under law.



5.2. How could the UK take the EFTA-EEA option?



The UK is already a party to the EEA Agreement, as one of the EU Member States, and so would take the EEA option by becoming an EFTA-EEA State.



It would be impossible for the UK to remain as a “floating” state: the EEA Agreement’s articles refer repeatedly to the EU Member States on one hand and the EFTA-EEA States on the other. However, if the UK became an EFTA-EEA State, then only the preamble and Article 126 EEA (plus some of the protocols and annexes) would need significant amendment. Such amendments would require the agreement of the other 30 EEA States.





6. Conclusion



It is with some surprise that the authors note that political debate in the UK has not yet reached a firm conclusion as to what the EU-UK arrangements should be at the end of the transitional period. It is hoped that the present note at least helps to clarify two of the possible options.





Brussels, 13 June 2018

Barnard and Peers: chapter 27

Photo credit: www.cruise-norway.no



[i] The negotiations on the establishment of EFTA were concluded with the signing of the EFTA Convention in Stockholm on 4 January 1960.
[ii] The EFTA Convention establishing EFTA is available at: www.efta.int
[iii] An overview of all concluded FTAs is available at: www.efta.int
[iv] EFTA States are in principle free to conclude unilaterally FTAs with third countries.
[v] Whereas the trading relationship between Switzerland and the EU is based on series of bilateral agreements.
[vi] The EFTA Council is the highest governing body of EFTA with responsibility for all matters concerning the relations between the EFTA States and between EFTA and third countries (Article 43 of the EFTA Convention).
[vii] Article 56(1), third sentence, of the EFTA Convention.
[viii] TF50(2018)33.

Tuesday, 20 December 2016

Scotland's Place in Europe: Comments on the Scottish Government's new proposals




Professor Steve Peers

Today, the Scottish government published its long-awaited discussion paper on ‘Scotland’s Place in Europe’. Although, as the paper points out, that government supports both EU membership and Scottish independence, the paper focusses on what should happen in the event of Brexit with Scotland remaining part of the UK. It would therefore be quite dishonest for anyone to dismiss the paper as simply ‘rejecting the referendum result’ (either the Brexit or the Scottish independence referendum result) or as ‘banging on about independence’.

So what does the paper propose? Essentially it discusses two options: a) a UK-wide approach to Brexit that would address the concerns of Scottish voters (among others); and b), failing that, a distinct approach for Scotland. It also makes c) the argument for further devolution of powers within the UK in light of the Brexit process. I’ll address mainly points a) and b), although there’s a necessary link between b) and c) – ie a distinct approach for Scotland/EU relations post-Brexit would more obviously require further devolution. Some of this ground is covered in a previous blog post, but it makes sense to revisit the issues in light of the new paper.

UK-wide response to Brexit

The paper primarily argues that the UK should stay in the EU’s single market as extended to non-EU countries like Norway and Iceland, in the form of the European Economic Area (EEA) treaty. It also argues that the UK should remain inside the EU’s customs union, which governs EU trade relations with non-EU states. As the paper rightly points out (at para 104), these are two separate issues – it would be possible to join one but not the other. It’s sometimes argues that being part of the single market entails being part of the customs union, but this is false, as the case of Norway (in the single market, but not the customs union) and Turkey (in the customs union, but not the single market) indicate. Although to date no non-EU state is part of both the single market and the customs union, there is no legal reason this cannot take place.

While it’s sometimes argued that staying in the single market is the same as staying in the EU, and would therefore be a rejection of the referendum result, this is false. As already noted, the EEA agreement doesn’t include the customs union, so the UK would be free to reach trade agreements with non-EU countries. It also does not extend to issues such as fisheries and agriculture (as the Scottish government paper points out), as well as EU foreign and defence policy, tax, and justice and home affairs issues. Norway and Iceland have agreements with the EU on some of these issues, such as participation in the Schengen open borders deal, but these are separate from EEA membership.

Today’s paper tackles a number of the objections to EEA membership.  It correctly notes (at para 100) that EEA membership does not mean being subject to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), which is a ‘red line’ for the UK government. However, it does mean being subject to the jurisdiction of an EFTA Court, which usually follows the ECJ where a case concerns an issue within the scope of the EEA treaty. It should be remembered, though, that some EFTA Court judgments (those following references from national courts) are not binding, unlike EU court rulings.

As regards the UK’s budget contribution to the EU, it points out correctly (at para 103) that contributions by non-EU EEA members are calculated differently (they don’t go straight to the EU budget, for instance), and may end up being less for the UK than at present. On the issue of immigration from the EU, the report fails to mention (at para 101) that a safeguard clause could be used to limit EU citizens coming to the UK. The Scottish government would have no interest in using this clause, but it could be invoked on a regional basis – for instance allowing screening of job applications from EU migrant workers at the employer level in England and Wales. While the report notes that non-EU EEA countries are consulted on new EU laws within the scope of the EEA, it doesn’t mention the possibility of non-EU EEA states rejecting the extension of those new laws to them.

Some things could be clearer in the report. There’s a list of areas besides trade where it advocates UK retains a strong relationship with the EU, but it’s not always clearly spelled out whether these are part of the EEA or not. For instance, private law (para 78), discrimination law besides sex discrimination law (para 79), EU funding to Scotland (para 89), research funding (para 92), refugee  issues (para 94) and criminal law (para 91) are outside the scope of the EEA, and so would need to be the subject of separate deals between the UK and the EU. Conversely, consumer law (para 79) and employment law (para 81) are within it. The report does make clear that many – though not all – EU environmental laws are inside the scope of the EEA (see para 93).

In particular, while the report advocates an interim arrangement for the UK leaving the EU, it does not suggest any details of what that might entail – and does not discuss the possibility, favoured by some ‘liberal Leavers’, that the UK could stay in the EEA only on an interim basis, pending negotiation of a comprehensive trade agreement.

Scotland-only approach

The report correctly notes that there is already geographical asymmetry (ie different application of the law in different parts of a country), not only in the application of EU law to parts of Member States and in the application of the EEA, but also in the UK’s planned response to Brexit. It proposes to follow the same approach to Scotland, which would participate in the EEA either via ‘sponsorship’ of the UK or directly (while still part of the UK).

This raises issues concerning the movement of goods or people between Scotland and the rest of the UK, if the two have different arrangements as regards relations with the EU. Some of these issues are discussed in detail in the paper, but it largely relies on arguing that whatever solutions are found for the Northern Ireland/Irish Republic border (as promised by the UK government) can be applied by analogy to relations between Scotland and the remaining UK.

Comments

The prospect of the UK staying in the EEA (or a comparable system) is legally much easier to arrange and negotiate than any Scotland-only approach to Brexit. However, as the report notes, EEA membership seems unlikely for political reasons, since the UK government seems unenthusiastic about any obligations regarding the free movement of people. On this point the report could have done more to address these concerns by discussing the possible use of the EEA safeguard clause. It could also at least have advocated participation in the EEA as an interim measure, given that the UK government in recent weeks has appeared increasingly open to the idea of some interim arrangement following Brexit in principle.  

Equally – although the report does not discuss this – a Scotland-only approach has political problems, as neither the UK government nor the remaining EU seem willing to discuss the idea.

However, the Scottish government might in theory have more success with its proposals relating to devolution. As it correctly notes, devolution issues are bound to arise once the Westminster Parliament examines the planned ‘Great Repeal Bill’ next year – since the conversion of EU law to UK law necessarily raises the question of how this process relates to the powers of the UK’s devolved governments. And on this issue, there is possibly more broad political support: the paper refers in particular to the interest of the Labour party in rethinking devolution, whereas that party does not seem interested in EEA membership for the whole UK and has not (to my knowledge) expressed any view on Scotland-only solutions for Brexit.

In this context, there is the prospect of a coalition of opposition MPs and rebel Conservatives with a number of common (and linked) concerns about the future Bill: ruling out lower standards for environment and employment law, addressing concerns of the devolved legislatures, and limiting the executive’s power to amend Acts of Parliament to reduce standards.

Beyond that is the specifically Scottish political context. If the Scottish government’s proposals on all three issues are rejected by the UK government – given the willingness of today’s report to accept both Brexit and Scotland remaining in the UK – this might be the occasion to argue that a further referendum on Scottish independence is justified, although other factors (such as opinion polling) will also play a big role in that decision.

Barnard & Peers: chapter 27

Photo credit: Business for Scotland