Monday, 23 February 2026

Asylum Pact 2.0: the EU amends the rules on ‘safe third countries’ and ‘safe countries of origin’

 


Steve Peers, Professor of Law, Royal Holloway University of London

Photo credit: Paula Reister, via Wikimedia Commons


Introduction

The EU has finally adopted two amendments to the EU’s asylum pact, entailing significantly more stringent rules as regards ‘safe countries’ of origin’ (adopted text here) and particularly ‘safe third countries’ (adopted text here).

This blog post summarises the new laws in their context, and then examines how much they impact upon the ability to claim asylum in the EU in practice – in particular the introduction of a ‘Rwanda clause’ in EU law, mirroring the last UK government’s attempt to designate that country as ‘safe’ even for asylum-seekers who had not travelled through it.


Background

The history of the two ‘safe countries’ concepts in EU law goes back initially to 1992, in the form of the London Resolutions of Member States’ ministers (see here and here). The concepts then appeared in the initial 2005 asylum procedures Directive, since replaced by the current 2013 asylum procedures Directive. The 2013 law will be replaced, as from 12 June 2026, by a new Regulation on asylum procedures, adopted in 2024 (the ‘2024 Regulation’, which I previously discussed here), part of the EU’s asylum pact. While the 2024 Regulation already makes the rules more stringent than in the 2013 Directive, the 2026 amendments now make those rules more restrictive again.

(For earlier blog posts on the 2026 amendments, see my analysis of the Commission proposal here, and my analysis of the Council and Parliament positions).


‘Safe countries of origin’

2024 Regulation

The 2024 asylum pact Regulation retains the definition of ‘safe country of origin’ from the 2013 Directive, referring to a list of human rights standards. As in the 2013 Directive, the rule can only apply if an asylum-seeker is a national of the country concerned, or is a stateless person formerly habitually resident there; and the principle remains a presumption, which the applicant can rebut in individual cases.

However, there are several changes. First of all, the rule will become mandatory for Member States, instead of an option. Secondly, it will be possible to designate a non-EU country of origin as ‘safe’ in part, either geographically (exceptions for ‘specific parts of its territory’) or for some groups of people (‘clearly identifiable categories’). Recent Court of Justice judgments have confirmed that such designations are not possible under the 2013 Directive (see here and here).

Thirdly, the 2024 Regulation makes it possible for the EU to adopt a common list of ‘safe countries of origin’, alongside Member States’ designation of such countries. Countries can be taken off the common EU list in the event of ‘significant changes’ there, initially by means of a delegated act adopted by the Commission, then via legislation. Member States cannot put the country back on their national list of ‘safe countries of origin’ while a delegated act suspending it from the list applies; and for two years after the country is dropped from the common EU list via legislation, Member States need the Commission’s approval to reinstate it on their national lists.

Fourth, in place of a general reference to speeding up consideration of ‘accelerated’ cases (including ‘safe country of origin’ cases) in the 2013 Directive, there will be a three-month deadline to decide on such cases, although if an authority considers the asylum application to be too complex, it can default to the usual six-month deadline to decide on the merits. (This general deadline has not been amended, although the possibilities of extending it have been partly curtailed).

Fifth, a new ground for accelerated procedures, overlapping with the ‘safe third country’ ground, has been added: Member States must also fast-track cases where the most recent annual recognition rate for asylum claims for the asylum-seekers’ nationality is below 20% EU-wide at first instance (ie before appeals), ‘unless the determining authority assesses that a significant change has occurred in the third country concerned since the publication of the relevant Eurostat data or that the applicant belongs to a category of persons for whom the proportion of 20 % or lower cannot be considered to be representative for their protection needs, taking into account, inter alia, the significant differences between first instance and final decisions.’ It is also mandatory, and subject to the same deadlines.

Sixth, while the ‘safe country of origin’ concept remains a ground for applying special border procedures, as under the 2013 Directive, those border procedures have been changed. They are now mandatory in principle (for a specific number of asylum-seekers per Member State) and can now last for up to twelve weeks (including both the administrative and judicial phase of the case), instead of four weeks. Presumably the Court of Justice case law, requiring that asylum-seekers be released from detention (if that was the only ground for it) and admitted on to the territory at the end of the border procedure deadline, still applies. Unaccompanied minors will be exempt from the revised border procedure, unless they are ‘national security’ or ‘public order’ risks.

Finally, it will be mandatory, instead of optional, for Member States to deny automatic suspensive effect to appeals in ‘safe country of origin’ cases, and several safeguards related to the lack of automatic suspensive effect are dropped. However, it will still be possible for asylum-seekers to ask a court for permission to stay during the appeal. On appeals, there is nothing to suggest that the case law of the Court of Justice on the 2013 Directive (Alace) has been overturned. In that case, the Court said that: a Member State’s designation of a ‘safe country of origin’ has to be subject to judicial review; the sources of information used for the designation must be provided to the applicant and to courts; and courts must be able to examine other sources of information.

2026 amendments

First of all, the new Regulation allows (as an option) the early application (ie before June 2026, from the day after publication of the new law in the EU Official Journal) of the possibility of partial designation of a country as a ‘safe country of origin’ (either geographically or for certain groups of asylum-seekers), as well as the new ‘20% recognition rate’ rule. In particular, this is intended to allow for the earlier application of the Italy/Albania arrangements on processing asylum-seekers on Albanian territory, which were in effect frustrated by the Court of Justice’s interpretation of the current Directive. Of course, other Member States might have a use for earlier application of the rules too.

Furthermore, the 2026 amendments similarly allow for early application of the partial designation of countries as ‘safe third countries’.

The early application of the 2024 version of these rules can also be applied at the borders, in the current version of the border procedure. This means that, among other things, the 2024 exclusion of most unaccompanied minors from the border procedure will not apply until the 2024 Regulation fully enters into force in June.

Secondly, the 2026 Regulation sets out a common EU list of ‘safe countries of origin’, as from the entry into force of the Pact: Bangladesh, Colombia, Egypt, India, Kosovo, Morocco and Tunisia, plus candidates for EU accession (Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, North Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Turkey, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia).

The accession candidates are, however, subject to special rules: they cannot be regarded as ‘safe’ if they have been subjected to EU foreign policy sanctions due to their actions ‘affecting fundamental rights and freedoms that are relevant to’ the definition of ‘safe country of origin’; or if their recognition rate is above 20% at first instance; or if there is a ‘serious threat to a civilian’s life or person by reason of indiscriminate violence’ in that country (which is an amended version of one of the grounds for ‘subsidiary protection’ in EU law; the requirement that the threat also be ‘individual’ does not apply in this context). The preamble draws the obvious conclusion that ‘Member States should not apply the concept of safe country of origin to applicants from a candidate country during the period in which the circumstances provided for by this Regulation persist.’ 

It appears that in place of the usual rules on suspending a country from the list, the accession candidates will be removed following a notification from the Commission to the Council, European Parliament and Member States. However, to trigger the ‘serious threat’ ground for removal from the list, the Commission will need approval from the Council first. Presumably the default voting rule of qualified majority in the Council will apply. According to the preamble, the Council’s role is necessary ‘in view of the potential implications for the external relations of the Union and the Member States’ in this scenario.

Several of these points (dropping the ‘individual’ criterion, qualifying the sanctions point, and creating a role for the Council) were changes from the Commission’s original proposal, made at the Council’s behest. The European Parliament’s proposed amendment (removing a country from the list if the temporary protection Directive applied – obviously referring to Ukraine) was not agreed, although the final version of the preamble says that the application (or termination) of temporary protection under that Directive should be taken into account when assessing whether a ‘serious threat’ exists. Moreover, the Parliament’s proposal to use delegated acts (ie the usual process) to remove candidate countries from the common list was not agreed either.

The Regulation also now provides for the possibility (again, at the Council’s behest) that a country on the common EU list can be de-listed in part, ie using the exceptions for parts of a country or groups of people which Member States can use.

Finally, at the behest of the Parliament, a clause in the preamble to the 2026 amendment appears to hint at limiting judicial review in individual cases:

[a ‘safe country of origin’] designation reflects the general situation in that country and is not affected by the individual circumstances, which may only be assessed for the purposes of determining whether the concept of safe country of origin should exceptionally not be applied in a specific case. Therefore, in the context of national judicial review, the detailed evidence regarding an applicant’s individual situation justifying the applicability of the concept of safe country of origin should be the main purpose of that assessment. In accordance with the Treaties, the Court of Justice of the European Union is competent to rule on any doubts on the validity of a designation of a third country as a safe country of origin at Union level.

This is slightly more equivocal than the EP’s proposed amendment on this point, which had read:

…national judicial review should examine the detailed evidence regarding an applicant’s individual situation justifying, in his or her case, the inapplicability of the concept of safe country of origin and not the designation as such.


‘Safe third countries’

2024 Regulation

The 2024 Regulation (before the 2026 amendments) makes a number of changes to the rules on this issue as compared to the 2013 Directive. First of all, it will be simpler to designate a country as a ‘safe third country’ in one respect: there need not be an opportunity to request and receive Refugee Convention refugee status there. Instead, if a non-EU country ‘has ratified and respects’ the Convention, within the limits of any reservations and limitations, that country ‘shall be considered to ensure effective protection’; but if has not ratified the Convention, or applies a geographical limit to it (ie Turkey), that country ‘only’ offers effective protection for people where, ‘as a minimum’, that country allows people to remain, offers subsistence, health care and education, and ‘effective protection remains available until a durable solution can be found’.  

Secondly, as with ‘safe countries of origin’, it will now be possible to regard a country as a ‘safe third country’ only partly, ie ‘with exceptions for specific parts of its territory or clearly identifiable categories of persons’. A country can even be a ‘safe third country’ for an individual applicant.

Thirdly, there will be new safeguards for unaccompanied minors: a ‘best interests’ test and a prior assurance that the non-EU country will take them in charge and give them immediate access to effective protection.

Fourth, there will now be a two-month deadline for deciding ‘safe third country’ applications (and most other inadmissible applications), with a possible extension of up to two months in certain circumstances.

Fifth, there will also now be a new prospect of a common EU list, which works the same way as the possible common list of ‘safe countries of origin’ (and removals from it) described above.

Sixth, the revised border procedure in the Regulation (described above), will also apply to ‘safe third country’ cases.

Several elements have not changed, though. It is still necessary that, in the country concerned, there is: no threat to [life or liberty’ on any of the grounds set out in the Refugee Convention; ‘no risk of serious harm’ as defined in EU law as regards subsidiary protection; respect of the non-refoulement principle in the Refugee Convention (ie not sending the asylum seeker to an unsafe country); and respect for ‘the prohibition of removal, in violation of the right to freedom from torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment as laid down in international law’.

Also, the principle will still only be optional for Member States; and the rule still cannot be applied unless the asylum-seeker will be admitted to the country concerned. Also, the rule can only apply if the asylum-seeker has a ‘connection’ with the other country, ‘on the basis of which it would be reasonable’ for the asylum-seeker to go there; it must still be possible for the asylum-seeker to challenge the alleged safety of the country concerned for them, as well as their supposed connection with it. Finally, as before, appeals in ‘safe third country’ cases will still have automatic suspensive effect.

2026 amendments

First and foremost, the new Regulation (which will apply from June, along with the rest of the asylum pact) has dropped the requirement that the ‘safe third country’ principle can only be applied in the event of a ‘connection’ to the supposedly ‘safe’ third country. There are further explanations of that principle in the preamble:  

Member States should, while fully respecting the parameters set out in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, be able to apply the concept of safe third country on the basis of a connection as defined in conformity with national law or practice, in so far as specifically defined therein. The connection between the applicant and the third country could be considered established in particular where members of the applicant’s family are present in that third country, where the applicant has settled or stayed in that third country, or where the applicant has linguistic, cultural or other similar ties with that third country.

It will now also be possible to apply the ‘safe third country’ principle in two other cases. First, it can be applied where the asylum seeker had transited through that country on the way to the EU, as further explained in the preamble:

…transit through a third country could include a situation where an applicant has passed through or stayed on the territory of a third country on the way to the Union, or where the applicant has been at the border or in a transit zone of a third country, where that applicant has had the possibility to request effective protection from the authorities of the third country concerned.

Secondly, the ‘safe third country’ principle can now apply to a Rwanda-type deal with a country that the asylum-seeker had neither a connection with nor transited through: ‘there is an agreement or an arrangement [with the non-EU country concerned]…requiring the examination of the merits of any requests for effective protection made in the third country concerned by applicants subject to that agreement or arrangement’.

Such an agreement or arrangement can either be negotiated by the EU or one or more Member States; the Member States might even negotiate it alongside non-EU countries (say the UK, or the US?). There are detailed rules on how any EU negotiations relate to Member State treaties on the issue.

However, the new ‘Rwanda’ criterion will not apply to unaccompanied minors, although the Parliament had argued that it should apply to children who were security threats. The new transit criterion will apply to unaccompanied minors though, although the current safeguards for them in ‘connection’ cases (best interests of the child, certain assurances from the country concerned) in the 2024 Regulation will apply to ‘transit’ cases too. The preamble also refers to considering the family unity principle.

Finally, the new Regulation has altered the rules on appeals, so that there will no longer be automatic suspensive effect in ‘safe third country’ appeals, except for unaccompanied minors subject to the border procedure. The amendments also (at the Council’s behest) drop automatic suspensive effect in cases where the asylum seeker has international protection from another Member State, even though Court of Justice case law provides for the possibility of applying for international protection in another Member State to avoid harsh conditions in the Member State which granted such protection, where the latter Member State treats the beneficiaries of international protection so badly that it amounts to a breach of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Nevertheless, it will still be possible to request a court to grant suspensive effect.

Other features of the ‘safe third country’ principle have not changed: it will remain optional for Member States, and the rules will not change as regards criteria defining the ‘safety’ of a country as such, the applicable deadlines, the related rules on the border procedure, or the requirement that Member States must consider the merits if the third country concerned refuses to admit the asylum seeker. Nor does it use the power to adopt a common EU list of ‘safe third countries’.

 

Assessment

The ‘safe country of origin’ amendments in particular are partly aimed at overturning case law of the CJEU, not only as regards allowing geographical and group exceptions from the principle, but also (on a more lasting basis, given that those exceptions would be allowed from June anyway) as regards limiting national judicial review of the national lists of such countries.

However, this apparent attempt to limit judicial review would, if the provision is interpreted as such, breach the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. The Court of Justice’s Alace judgment refers several times to Article 47 of the Charter (the right to an effective remedy and a fair trial), when ruling that it must be possible to challenge the designation of countries as ‘safe countries of origin’ (underlining and bold text added):

…it should be noted that the obligation imposed on Member States by Article 46(1) of Directive 2013/32 to provide for a right to an effective judicial remedy for applicants for international protection, the scope of which is defined in Article 46(3) of that directive, corresponds to the right to an effective remedy guaranteed by Article 47 of the Charter… [para 53]

…although, in the absence of EU rules on the matter, it is for the national legal order, in accordance with the principle of procedural autonomy of Member States and subject to the observance of the principles of equivalence and effectiveness, to lay down the detailed procedural rules governing remedies for ensuring that individual rights derived from the EU legal order are safeguarded, Member States nevertheless have the responsibility to ensure observance in every case of the right to effective judicial protection of those rights as guaranteed by Article 47 of the Charter, the scope of that right being clarified, in the present case, by Article 46 of Directive 2013/32… [para 64]

…the choice, by a Member State, of the competent authority and the legal instrument effecting the designation, at national level, of safe countries of origin, in accordance with Articles 36 and 37 of Directive 2013/32, cannot affect its obligations under that directive. It is thus for each Member State, inter alia, to ensure respect for the right to an effective judicial remedy which Article 46(1) of that directive confers on applicants for international protection against decisions taken on their applications, the scope of which is defined by Article 46(3) of that directive. [para 65]

In that regard, the Court has held that, in accordance with Article 46(3) of Directive 2013/32, read in the light of Article 47 of the Charter, where an action is brought before a national court or tribunal against a decision taken on an application for international protection – examined in the context of the special scheme applicable to applications lodged by applicants from third countries designated, in accordance with Article 37 of that directive, as safe countries of origin – that court or tribunal must, as part of the full and ex nunc examination required by Article 46(3) of that directive, raise, on the basis of the information in the file and the information brought to its attention during the proceedings before it, a failure to have regard to the material conditions for such designation, set out in Annex I to that directive… [para 66]

Consequently, and having regard to the case-law referred to in paragraphs 62 and 63 above, the fact that a Member State has chosen to designate safe countries of origin by means of a legislative act cannot be such as to preclude the national court or tribunal seised in the circumstances set out in the preceding paragraph of the present judgment from reviewing, even if only indirectly, whether the designation of the third country in question as a safe country of origin complies with the material conditions for such a designation, set out in Annex I to Directive 2013/32. [para 67]

In the light of the foregoing, the answer to the first questions is that Articles 36 and 37 and Article 46(3) of Directive 2013/32, read in the light of Article 47 of the Charter, must be interpreted as not precluding a Member State from designating third countries as safe countries of origin by means of a legislative act, provided that that designation can be subject to judicial review as regards compliance with the material conditions for such a designation, set out in Annex I to that directive, by any national court or tribunal hearing an action brought against a decision taken on an application for international protection, which had been examined under the special scheme applicable to applications lodged by applicants who are from third countries designated as safe countries of origin. [para 68]

As the Charter has the same legal value as the Treaties (Article 6 TEU), any EU law adopted in breach of it would be invalid.

In any event, the litigation has not stood still. There are further cases referred from the Italian courts as regards aspects of the Italy/Albania arrangements, including Sedrata on detention issues, and Comeri (fast-tracked by the Court) on the external relations aspects of such arrangements. These pending cases may limit the possible application of the Italy/Albania agreement in the meantime, although it remains to be seen whether the changes to the law (including the 2024 version of the reception directive), might be relevant to the issues in these disputes post June. Of course, further legal challenges can be expected as the 2024 Regulation is partly rolled out early on the basis of the 2026 amendments, and applied fully from June.

The removal of automatic suspensive effect from ‘safe third country’ cases, while widening the scope of such cases in principle, may mean that it is harder to obtain an effective remedy in such cases – although the possibility of requesting suspensive effect from the national court will now become crucial. The same will be true of cases where a Member State is allegedly breaching the Charter rights of recognised refugees – an issue separate from ‘safe third (non-EU) countries’ where the legislators decided to carry out a ‘drive-by hit’ on appeal rights nonetheless.

As for the ‘Rwanda clause’ itself, at first sight it leaves open the possibility that (apart from unaccompanied minors) literally everyone who applies for asylum in the EU could be removed to such a country. In practice, though, this depends upon there being enough countries willing to admit the asylum-seekers. The EU’s current and planned leverage (via the visa code, recent visa waiver suspension rules, agreed amendments to trade policy laws, proposed changes to development aid and planned further changes to the visa code) relates to countries taking back their own citizens and those who transited through them. While the transit point is relevant to the widening of the ‘safe third country’ concept to include transit states, it does not cover the introduction of the Rwanda clause.

Even for those who are subject to the wider application of the ‘safe third country’ principle after the 2026 amendments, it will still be necessary to show that they will be admitted to the country concerned, and still possible to argue that the country is ‘unsafe’ in their particular situation. Moreover, it could be argued that – in parallel with the CJEU case law on challenging the listing of ‘safe countries of origin’, quoted from above – the EU Charter of Rights necessarily confers the possibility of challenging the listing of the country in question itself, comparable to the UK Supreme Court ruling that Rwanda was ‘unsafe’ as such. And since the EU Charter has a higher legal status than EU legislation, it would not be possible for the EU or its Member States to overturn such a ruling merely by passing legislation – unlike the ‘Safety’ of Rwanda Act passed under the previous UK government.

 

 

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