Steve Peers
The EU is often accused by critics of a lack of openness and transparency – and often such criticisms are justified. This is particularly the case as regards the EU legislative process. In principle, this process ought to resemble the open process seen in national legislatures, with full public access to the drafts of legislation that passes through the legislative chamber(s).
However,
despite the adoption of a general Regulation on access to documents in 2001,
this aspect (among others) of EU transparency is problematic. The reason for
this is that, within the Council, some Member States wish to keep their
positions secret, at least while the negotiations are ongoing. Of course, this
profoundly undermines the argument that citizens of each Member States, via
national parliaments, can hold each individual government accountable for its
action within the Council. For some Member States, though, accountability would
bring embarrassment.
The CJEU, in
accordance with its prior case law emphasising the importance of transparency
in the EU legislative process, ruled in the Open Access Info judgment last year that the names of Member States in principle
had to be released to the public. This ruling would seem to be straightforward enough.
But the Council is trying to wriggle out of it.
According to
an internal Council document discussed by Member States’ EU ambassadors
(Coreper) last week, the Council is considering three options: referring always
to Member State positions; making no reference to Member State positions; or
continuing an unsystematic approach to this issue. The first option (full
transparency) is rejected, because it sometimes this will not be ‘appropriate’,
ie it might embarrass Member States. The second option is rejected, because it
will be useful to have a record of Member States’ positions. So the suggestion
is for the third option.
If this
third option is chosen, what seems likely to result is that whenever a Member
State believes that its position might be embarrassing, it will ask that there
should be no listing of its name in the footnotes. Moreover, the Council document
does not foresee any active transparency, ie disclosing a document with Member
States’ positions as soon as it is drawn up. The new rules (when agreed) will
only apply to documents when an individual requests a copy of them. By the time
that the Council replies to such a request, discussions on a particular issue
could have moved on and so there will not be an opportunity to have a public
debate on whether a particular Member State’s position is justified.
So the whole
process of challenging the Council in Court as regards this crucial aspect of
EU legislative decision-making is ultimately likely to have only limited
practical effect. Perhaps the next step in this battle will have to be non-judicial:
either a demand by the European Parliament that the Council open up its legislative
proceedings further (or at the very least, that both institutions open up the
secretive ‘trialogue’ process); or a complaint to the European Ombudsman that
the Council should proactively make all its legislative documents public
without individual request.
Barnard
& Peers: chapter 3, chapter 8
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