A candle in the dark: the CJEU rules against criminalising parents for smuggling their children

 

Professor Steve Peers, Royal Holloway University of London

Photo credit: Bologna, taken by Ввласенко, via Wikimedia Commons

Introduction

The world is increasingly bleak for those concerned about civil liberties, poverty or climate change – including for those concerned about the right to asylum and the rights of migrants more generally in Europe. Constraints on those rights have reached the point where a law supposedly intended to combat wicked gangs of people smugglers ended up potentially being applied to criminalise a mother who applied for asylum for assisting her little girl to enter a Member State illegally with her.

In today’s judgment in Kinsa, the Court of Justice ruled that this interpretation of EU law went too far. But there’s a twist: there’s a proposal to amend the legislation, tabled a few months after the Kinsa case was referred to the CJEU, and Member States tried to foresee the Court’s judgment, taking the opportunity to build themselves an escape route to get around it. Yet there’s a further twist here: today’s judgment implicitly appears to be aware of the Member States’ plans, and subtly attempts to block that escape route. It’s the latest move in an unstated game of cat-and-mouse between the EU legislature and judiciary. But above and beyond these games, the Court’s judgment also has broader implications for the highly controversial relationship between criminal law and immigration and asylum law.

 

Background

Current law

The current EU law on smuggling of migrants – or, more precisely, the facilitation of illegal entry or stay – is set out in two parallel linked laws adopted in 2002: a Directive setting out the prohibition on facilitating illegal entry or stay, and a Framework Decision providing for criminal offences based on the prohibition. According to the 2002 Directive, Member States must impose ‘appropriate sanctions’ on anyone who ‘intentionally assists a person who is not a national of a Member State to enter, or transit across, the territory of a Member State in breach of the laws of the State concerned on the entry or transit of aliens’ (illegal entry), and anyone ‘who, for financial gain, intentionally assists a person who is not a national of a Member State to reside within the territory of a Member State in breach of the laws of the State concerned on the residence of aliens’ (illegal stay; italics added).

While the prohibition on assisting illegal stay is subject to the requirement that such assistance must be ‘for financial gain’, the prohibition on facilitating illegal entry is not. However, the Directive goes on to say that any Member State ‘may decide not to impose sanctions’ in ‘illegal entry’ cases, ‘by applying its national law and practice for cases where the aim of the behaviour is to provide humanitarian assistance to the person concerned’.

The Framework Decision then requires Member States to penalise the facilitation of illegal entry or illegal stay (as defined in the Directive) via the  criminal law, although the level of that penalty is only set out for the most serious cases (where the offence was committed as part of an organised crime group, or ‘while endangering the lives of the persons who are the subject of the offence’). However, it includes a safeguard for asylum:

This framework Decision shall apply without prejudice to the protection afforded refugees and asylum seekers in accordance with international law on refugees or other international instruments relating to human rights, in particular Member States' compliance with their international obligations pursuant to Articles 31 and 33 of the 1951 Convention relating to the status of refugees, as amended by the Protocol of New York of 1967.

Proposed law

The Commission’s proposal to replace the two 2002 measures with a single Directive would make a number of changes to that law, but I’ll focus on the scope of criminalisation of assistance (for a full discussion of the proposal and the Member States’ response to it, see my analysis here).

On this point, the obligation to criminalise either illegal entry or illegal stay would be limited to ‘financial gain’ cases, and the preamble clarifies that these elements of the offence:

…will usually not be fulfilled when it comes to assistance among family members or the provision of humanitarian assistance or the support of basic human needs. Third-country nationals should not become criminally liable for having been the subject to such criminal offences. Moreover, it is not the purpose of this Directive to criminalise, on the one hand, assistance provided to family members and, on the other hand, humanitarian assistance or the support of basic human needs provided to third-country nationals in compliance with legal obligations.

A version of the current asylum safeguard would also appear in the preamble:

Member States should apply this Directive in accordance and in full compliance with the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees as amended by the Protocol of New York of 1967, obligations related to access to international protection, in particular the principle of non-refoulement, and fundamental rights.

However, this is only the Commission’s proposal. EU legislation must also be agreed by the Council (ie Member States’ representatives) and the European Parliament. According to the Council’s version, agreed last December (after the Advocate-General’s opinion in the Kinsa case, but before today’s judgment) the preamble expressly reserves the possibility for Member States to criminalise support not motivated by financial benefits (new text underlined):

Assistance of unauthorised entry, transit or stay in the Union should constitute a criminal offence at least when there is a link with an actual or a promised financial or material benefit. This is without prejudice to the way in which Member States deal in their national law with facilitation conducts for which an actual or a promised financial or material benefit is not a constituent element of the offence.

A wholly new recital in the preamble makes the point even more clearly (italics are mine):

This Directive is an instrument of minimum harmonisation. As a consequence, Member States are free to adopt or maintain legislation providing for a broader incrimination than what is set out in this Directive, in the interests of enhancing the effectiveness of the fight against migrant smugglers. Member States should ensure that intentionally assisting a third-country national to enter, or transit across, or stay within the territory of any Member State in breach of relevant Union law or the laws of the Member State concerned on the entry, transit and stay of third-country nationals constitutes a criminal offence at least where the person who carries out the conduct requests, receives or accepts, directly or indirectly, a financial or material benefit, or a promise thereof, or carries out the conduct in order to obtain such a benefit. However, since this Directive is an instrument of minimum harmonisation, Member States are free to criminalise such conduct when no financial or another material benefit has been provided.

And the Commission’s proposed recital stating that family members should not themselves be criminalised, is replaced by a recital giving Member States more leeway to do just that:

Nothing in this Directive should be understood as requiring the criminalisation, on the one hand, of assistance provided to close family members and, on the other hand, of humanitarian assistance or the support of basic human needs provided to third-country nationals in compliance with the applicable national and international legal framework.

For its part, to date the European Parliament has not yet agreed its negotiation position on the issue, although there is a draft report on the proposal that exempts humanitarian assistance from criminal liability, and is critical of criminalising family members in the preamble:

(7a) Where an individual or organisation offers assistance to migrants through actions which are selfless and from which no financial or other material benefit is derived, or which are based on the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence, then those actions should not be criminalised. Such actions may include the carrying out of search and rescue operations in accordance with international law, assistance to family members, assistance to third-country nationals in situations of danger or distress, the provision of legal assistance, medical assistance, healthcare, housing, shelter, clothing, food and water to third-country nationals or supporting third-country nationals in asserting their rights.

However, it remains to be seen whether the majority of MEPs support the draft report.

 

The Kinsa case

The mother being prosecuted in this case came originally from the Congo, flying to Bologna, Italy from Casablanca, with an 8-year-old and a 13-year-old girl (one was her daughter; the other was her niece, who she was looking after since the girl’s own mother died). (Some of the facts are omitted from the Court’s judgment; there’s more detail in the summary of the national court reference) Although she and the children did not enter via an unsafe vessel across the Mediterranean, they all travelled on false passports, and the Italian authorities decided that she should be prosecuted for breach of the EU Directive and Framework Decision, as implemented in national law, because she assisted the girls’ entry. She subsequently applied for asylum (the fate of that application is unknown).

In the criminal case, the national court had doubts that the EU legislation or its national implementation was compatible with the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, particularly given that there was no mandatory exclusion for humanitarian assistance. It therefore asked the CJEU if the EU legislation was invalid, or alternatively if EU law precluded Italian law’s implementation of it on this point.

According to the Advocate-General’s opinion, the EU Directive was valid, and obliged Member States to criminalise a mother in these circumstances, although Member States must impose lower penalties in such cases, due to the Charter rule on proportionality of criminal penalties.

The CJEU took a radically different view.

It began by noting that EU legislation should be interpreted in conformity with the Charter as far as possible, in effect redrafting the national court’s questions to focus on Articles 7, 18 and (added by the Court) 24 of the Charter (respectively the rights to family life and asylum and rights of the child).

Interpreting the wording of the Directive, in the Court’s view, the prohibition of assistance to illegal entry was broad; it neither expressly included or excluded its application to those who assisted the illegal entry of children they had effective custody over. But the Court rejected the application of the prohibition of assistance to such cases, for several reasons.

First of all, it was inconsistent with the objectives of the EU law, which concerned assistance to illegal immigration, not the exercise of parental responsibility.

Secondly, this would contradict the right to family life (in particular the family unity of parents and children) and the rights of the child set out in the Charter (the right to protection and care, the best interests of the child, and the right of contact with parents); the latter right is also relevant to decisions addressed to adults which have major consequences for children. As the explanations to the Charter state, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) is relevant too; and that Convention refers to parents or guardians having the primary responsibility for children. It followed that the prohibition in EU law could not apply in these circumstances, even if the mother herself entered unlawfully.

Moreover, the Court ruled that applying the prohibition in such cases would undermine the ‘essence’ of these fundamental rights (see Article 52 of the Charter), given that a parent or guardian is simply exercising their responsibility to look after the children.

Thirdly, applying the prohibition to such case would breach the right to asylum in the Charter too; this right was relevant given the mother’s subsequent asylum application. Both the Charter and (as we have seen) the EU legislation concerned require compliance with the Refugee Convention. In particular, the Court referred to Article 31 of that Convention (also referred to explicitly in the EU legislation), which states that:

1. The Contracting States shall not impose penalties, on account of their illegal entry or presence, on refugees who, coming directly from a territory where their life or freedom was threatened in the sense of article 1 [ie the definition of ‘refugee’], enter or are present in their territory without authorization, provided they present themselves without delay to the authorities and show good cause for their illegal entry or presence.

Similarly, the Court referred to a number of related points: the obligation set out in the Schengen Borders Code to apply that Code in accordance with human rights, the Refugee Convention, and non-refoulement; the right to submit an asylum application despite any illegal stay, after which the stay could not be considered illegal until a first-instance decision on the application; the prohibition on Member States dissuading an applicant for applying for asylum, without reasonable justification (on the last two points, referring to its judgments in Commission v Hungary (Reception of applicants for international protection), Commission v Hungary (Criminalisation of assistance to asylum seekers) and Commission v Hungary (Declaration of intention prior to an application for asylum); it’s fair to assume that the Hungarian government’s observations in the Kinsa case were unpersuasive); the EU reception conditions Directive and qualification directive refer to the best interests of the child and family unity; and the Final Act to the Refugee Convention refers to family unity of refugees too.

So, in the Court’s view, as an asylum-seeker the mother could not be prosecuted either for her own illegal entry or for accompanying her daughter and niece.  

Fourthly, the Court noted that – as the Commission, and indeed many critics of EU law in this field point out – a narrower reading of the obligation to criminalise for assisting illegal entry is confirmed by the protocol on smuggling of migrants, attached to the UN Convention on organised crime, which the EU and Member States have ratified, and which the EU legislation was intended to give effect to. The Court noted that the intention of the protocol is to criminalise the smuggling of migrants, while protecting the rights of those migrants. However, it also points out that other conduct, such as trafficking in people or sexual exploitation of children, could be criminalised.  

Finally, the Court addressed remedies. Its interpretation of the EU legislation had addressed the argument that this legislation might be invalid for breach of human rights. As for the national law, Member States could not breach fundamental rights when implementing EU law; so when transposing the 2002 Directive, they could not include conduct not covered by it, in breach of Articles 7 and 24 the Charter. In any event, the Court ruled that those provisions of the Charter were, in effect, directly effective; if a national court could not interpret national law consistently with the Charter, it would have to disapply that conflicting national law, ie the principle of supremacy/primacy (referring to Egenberger on enforcing Charter equality rights; on that judgment see here). The judgment did not comment on whether or not Article 18 of the Charter could be used in the same way.

 

Comments

There’s…a lot to unpack here. I’ll discuss in turn: the family life and rights of the child aspects of the judgment; its broader implications for asylum and immigration law; and the even broader legal and political context of the Court’s judgment.

Family life and rights of the child

The Court’s first point (distinguishing between control of irregular migration and parental responsibility) is solely connected to the parent/child relationship, but its second point (the Charter rights to family life and rights of the child, plus the CRC) is potentially broader – as there are family relationships other than the parent/child link. Although the Court’s analysis of the issues is understandably focussed on the facts of this case, there may be other circumstances where it might be relevant by analogy: assistance for other family members, or assistance from a parent already on the territory. The Court’s strong emphasis on the rights of the child aspects (covering all three paragraphs of Article 24 of the Charter, plus the CRC) could be relevant to other issues besides irregular entry; and the very strong remedy – disapplying national law in breach of Articles 7 and 24 of the Charter – could be applicable to many EU law issues inside and outside the scope of immigration or asylum law. And the Court’s ruling that this issue goes to the ‘essence’ of the rights in question makes it impossible to justify a limitation on those rights. (The Court doesn’t discuss whether or not the restriction goes to the essence of the right to asylum or not)

Having said that, the issue of humanitarian assistance goes beyond family relationships: the impulse to rescue strangers is distinct from a mother’s (or father’s) love for their child. In the context of revising the EU legislation on this issue, could the EU legislature simply leave the possible criminalisation of family support out of the law altogether – leaving Member States free to decide whether to criminalise it, untroubled by the constraints of EU law, because they would not be implementing it? Equally, could they evade those constraints as regards humanitarian assistance generally – as the Council’s negotiation position on the Commission’s proposal to amend the law seeks to do – by simply leaving the issue outside the scope of that law? With one bound, could the Member States be free?

Not so fast. While the CJEU could perhaps have confined its analysis to the family life and rights of the child points, it did not – choosing also to answer the national court’s questions about the right to asylum, and doing so in a particularly broad way.

Right to asylum

The mother’s subsequent application for asylum is crucial to the impact of this case – giving the national court the opportunity to ask about the Charter right, thus allowing the CJEU to wax lyrical about a wide swathe of EU asylum and border control law, plus the Refugee Convention.

Starting with the Convention, the Court’s willingness to refer to and apply Article 31 of the Convention – ruling out the prosecution of the mother for illegal entry even though the national court did not ask about that (it’s not even clear if she was charged for it) – is striking. The Court has perhaps forgotten that back in 2014, in the case of Qurbani (discussed here) it claimed that it had no jurisdiction to interpret Article 31 of the Convention. This was very unconvincing, given the express or implied references to that Article in EU law (in the main text of the smuggling Framework Decision and implicitly in the human rights safeguard in the borders code, both referred to in this judgment; Article 31 is also mentioned in the preambles to other EU asylum law), and its obvious relevance to criminalisation of immigration.

Having finally worked up the enthusiasm to discuss Article 31, the Court applies it without much analysis – possibly because it was not even asked about criminal penalties for the mother’s own illegal entry, or perhaps because of the other legal factors it mentioned before reaching its conclusion that she could not be prosecuted for her own illegal entry or for assisting that of the children.

But let’s look at the Article 31 issues in this case. The Court obviously (and surely correctly) assumes that criminalisation of illegal entry constitutes a ‘penalty’ for the purposes of Article 31; the definition of ‘penalty’ is an issue as regards other restrictions following illegal entry, though. The Court also assumes that asylum-seekers – not only recognised refugees – are covered by Article 31.  Another key issue in the interpretation of Article 31 is the meaning of ‘coming directly’: here, the summary of the facts indicates that the family originated in Congo but flew to Italy from Morocco, and the details of their travel to Morocco are not mentioned. Arguably the Court has implicitly accepted that an asylum-seeker must still be regarded as ‘coming directly’ even though they went through an intermediary country, but does this only apply if direct flights were unavailable? (We don’t know if they were). Or if the asylum-seeker only transited there, or the stay was otherwise brief? Perhaps the story of refugees trapped in Casablanca, desperately trying to obtain documentation to travel further abroad, would be a good idea for a film.

Whether the mother’s life or freedom was threatened on Convention grounds is the issue to be decided in her substantive asylum application (she’s fleeing domestic violence, which was the subject of an important CJEU judgment last year). She’s certainly present without authorisation, and appears to have presented herself to the authorities without delay (although this may be more of an issue in other cases). Arguably, seeking asylum is in itself a ‘good cause’ for illegal entry or presence, although national interior ministries might well contest that. And the Court does not even mention Article 31(2) of the Convention, on restrictions on movement or possible movement to other countries – although these issues might arise in relation to detention cases (the mother was only detained for one day), or ‘safe third country’ arguments.

This detailed analysis of Article 31 may be begging the question, though, because, as mentioned already, the Court also mentioned a series of other legal factors in its assessment of possible criminal penalties. So presumably Article 31 is not the only issue to be taken into account in such cases, and the finer points of interpreting it sit alongside other issues to be interpreted (the borders code human rights safeguard; the legality of an asylum-seeker’s stay until the first instance decision, which is explicitly set out in EU asylum procedures law; and the prohibition of dissuading asylum applications). And while the Court does mention family unity and the rights of the child in this context, most of the points it makes here are relevant to any asylum application, and also to other types of assistance to asylum-seekers (cf the Court’s reference to the previous judgment against Hungary for criminalising assistance to asylum-seekers). The Court seems to have taken the opportunity arising from this specific case to reach some very general findings about criminalisation and border control in the context of asylum.

All of this encourages national courts to send the EU court further questions to clarify these points, in an environment where asylum-seekers’ access to the territory and the asylum procedure is often very difficult on the ground. But what about the EU legislature?

As noted already, the Member States’ negotiation position on the proposed new Directive on smuggling of persons takes the issue of family assistance in particular, and humanitarian assistance in general, outside the scope of the smuggling law, leaving it up to Member States to determine whether to criminalise such forms of assistance or not. But on the face of it, the Court’s judgment has thwarted this cunning plan – at least in cases where the assistance is offered to, or by, an asylum seeker. For the Court has linked its interpretation also to the Schengen Borders Code (where the human rights safeguard was untouched by amendments last year), (implicitly) the asylum procedures law, the reception conditions directive, and the qualification law – along with the Refugee Convention. So even if Member States win the battle on this point as regards the smuggling of migrants law, the Court has opened four more fronts – and its rulings on the point not only interpret secondary law, but also largely link that interpretation to EU primary law (the Charter, plus the quasi-primary law of the Refugee Convention – linked to the Charter and the EU Treaties). 

Nor could the Member States argue that the future Directive sets minimum standards only, leaving them free to criminalise what they want above that level, because the Kinsa judgment insists that the EU Charter constrains Member States' implementation of the law regardless.

The legislative mouse seems to have been caught by the judicial cat.

Finally, the Court’s interpretation of the UN Protocol is unhelpful for the border control industrial complex too. The Court is correct to point out that the protocol only requires the criminalisation of smuggling in the context of organised crime, although the judgment exaggerates the extent to which the protocol protects migrants’ rights. Again, these are general points not limited to family assistance, or even humanitarian assistance more generally; they could equally apply to criminalising the migrants as such.   

The broader context

Trying to fire a legal weapon devised to combat organised crime at the desperate mother and aunt of two young girls offers us a moment of rare moral clarity. The facts in this case are so sympathetic that the ruling in her favour may not be as controversial as if the facts had been somewhat different. Nevertheless, the CJEU eschewed the opportunity to limit its judgment to such compassionate cases, instead providing fuel for much more general legal challenges to border controls on human rights grounds, even apparently undercutting an attempt to legislate an escape from EU law constraints.

And the Court is surely well aware of the political environment in which it delivered its judgment. Even setting aside the assault on immigration and asylum rights across the Atlantic, the judgment comes shortly after a group of Member States’ leaders delivered a broadside against the case law of the European Court of Human Rights in immigration cases. The CJEU is a different court, but it’s unlikely that these leaders are too thrilled with its asylum and immigration case law either. Yet its response to this broadside was not to surrender and prepare to be boarded. It was to fire back.  

It’s not certain what the full scope of this judgment is; it’s unlikely that every CJEU migration judgment will be as liberal; and it’s possible that Member States may find a way to circumvent this judgment anyway – perhaps by simply ignoring it, as they do with pushbacks. But the judgment is at least a sign that all is not yet lost. In an increasingly dystopian world, it is at least a flicker of hope.

Further reading - for a comparative law angle, the Supreme Court of Canada's R v Appulonappa judgment 

Rainbow families and the right to freedom of movement – the V.М.А.v Stolichna obshtina, rayon ‘Pancharevo’ case

Chiara De Capitani, Linguist agent at the European Commission and honorary fellow European Union law at the University of Naples "L'Orientale". The information and views set out in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion of the European Commission.

Introduction

‘A child is in no way responsible for the differences in the scales of values in society between EU Member States’, notes Advocate General Juliane Kokott in her opinion (AG’s opinion). Yet, unfortunately, children of rainbow families face the very real risk to have their legal ties to one or both parents disappear once they cross the border of their Member State of residence. A recent study by the European Parliament (the ‘EP Study’ by Tryfonidou, Wintemute) found that in at least 11 EU Member States same-sex couples with children may not be legally recognised as the joint parents of their children.

The present Grand Chamber ruling, C‑490/20 V.М.А. v Stolichna obshtina, rayon ‘Pancharevo’ (Sofia municipality, Pancharevo district, Bulgaria) tackles a recurring problem faced by rainbow families: the refusal from an EU Member State to recognise a birth certificate issued in another Member State that indicates two parents of the same sex as the legal parents of a child. This Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) ruling builds on the 2019’s C‑673/16 Coman and others ruling (discussed here) and allows the AG and the CJEU to explore and clarify several aspects of the tension between the cross-border protection of family life and the best interests of the child with a Member States’ protection of its national identity.

Facts of the case

A same-sex couple composed of a Bulgarian national (V.M.A, the applicant) and a British national (K.D.K) have been residing in Spain since 2015 and built their family life there: they married in 2018 and welcomed a baby daughter (S.D.K.A) in 2019. The Spanish authorities issued the child a birth certificate recognising both partners as her mothers and not disclosing who gave birth to her.

V.M.A requested the Bulgarian authorities issue her daughter a Bulgarian birth certificate, a pre-condition under Bulgarian law to issue identity documents certifying the latter’s Bulgarian citizenship. However, Bulgarian law only recognises heterosexual marriages and the parentage of children as composed of a father and a mother. Therefore, Bulgarian authorities rejected the application for the issuing of a Bulgarian birth certificate on two grounds: the absence of information concerning the child’s birth mother and the fact that the registration of two same-sex parents in a birth certificate is contrary to Bulgarian public policy. The applicant brought an action against the refusal decision before the Administrative Court of the City of Sofia (the referring court).

Analysis

The Court’s answer to the recast ‘judgment of Solomon’

This already complex case is off to a rocky start when, at the hearing, the Bulgarian Government refutes the referring court’s claim that the child is a Bulgarian national. The referring court considers that the child has Bulgarian nationality under Article 25(1) of the Constitution of Bulgaria stating that ‘a person is a Bulgarian national if at least one of the parents is a Bulgarian national’. On the other hand, the Bulgarian government considers that the Bulgarian mother, to be recognized as such, has either to disclose that she gave birth to the daughter or proceed to become the “legal mother” following Article 64 of the Family Code.

These hypothetical possibilities offered by the government create a twisted “judgment of Solomon”-type of situation for both mothers: they can either sacrifice their daughter’s claim to Bulgarian citizenship and the derived family law rights this implies with the Bulgarian mother or they can defend their daughter’s right to Bulgarian citizenship by claiming the Bulgarian mother is the sole mother, severing the British mother’s parent-child relationship to her daughter in Bulgaria.

The Court, however, did not believe that the threat of splitting the child in two should have been the way to reach a fair compromise, quite the contrary.

Firstly, the Court claims that the referring court alone has jurisdiction in this matter, so the CJEU’s ruling will consider that S.D.K.A. has Bulgarian nationality by birth due to the Bulgarian constitution.

Secondly, the Court clarifies, the daughter - in her capacity as a Union citizen - can rely on the rights pertaining to Union citizenship, including Article 21(1) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) also against her Member State of origin and even she was born in another Member State and has never travelled to her State of origin.

Thirdly, since every citizen of the Union has the right to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States, Article 4(3) of Directive 2004/38/EC (the ‘Freedom of movement’ Directive) requires Member States to issue their nationals identity documents and, the Court clarifies ‘this document has to be issued regardless a of whether a new [Bulgarian] birth certificate is drawn up’.

Fourthly, such identity document must enable the daughter to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States with each of her two mothers.

Lastly, since Article 21(1) TFEU includes the right to lead a normal family life with ones’ family members and the Spanish authorities have lawfully established the parent-child relationship between S.D.K.A and her two parents all Member States have to recognize V.M.A and K.D.K as having the right to accompany that child within the territory of Member States when exercising her freedom of movement. Whether one of the mothers gave birth to the daughter or whether her parents are biological or legal does not seem to be of interest to the Court: the fact that one Member States has recognised them as parents is sufficient to require all other Member States to mutually recognize this birth certificate for the purpose of freedom of movement. In practical terms also the same-sex parents of a child are entitled to a document which mentions them as being entitled to travel with their child: this document can be drawn up also by the host Member State and may be a birth certificate (like the present case).

The fragile balance between national identity, public policy and fundamental rights, including the right to respect for family life

The Court proceeds with analysing whether Article 4(2) of the Treaty on European Union (‘TEU’) protecting Member States’ national identity could serve as a justification for the Bulgarian authorities’ refusal to issue a birth certificate and an identity document to S.D.K.A.

Building on the Coman case, the Court recalls that the concept of public policy as a ‘justification for a derogation from a fundamental freedom must be interpreted strictly’. Recognizing the parent-child relationship between the child and each of her parents in the context of the child’s exercise of her rights under Article 21 TFEU does not undermine the national identity or pose a threat to the public policy of that Member State (which is thus still free to decide whether or not to allow same-sex marriage and parenthood under its national law).

The reverse of the medal is that ‘a national measure that is liable to obstruct the exercise of freedom of movement of persons may be justified only where such a measure is consistent with the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Charter’ and, the Court finds, Bulgaria’s “judgment of Solomon”-style proposals would be contrary to several fundamental rights of each mother and their daughter. For instance, the right to respect for private and family life, guaranteed by Articles 7 Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (the Charter) and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and following the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and the CJEU, cover both the mutual enjoyment by parent and child of each other’s company and the relationship of same-sex couples.

The right to have the best interests of the child taken into account, guaranteed by article 24 of the Charter translates also in obligations for Member States deriving from the UN Convention on the Right of the Child not to discriminate the latter (Article 2) including on the basis of the sexual orientation of the child’s parents when registering their name and nationality (Article 7).

Interestingly, with regards to the need to take due account to the provisions of the Convention on the rights of the Child when interpreting article 24 of the Charter, the Court refers to its previous M.A.v État belge ruling. With regards to the return of irregularly staying third country nationals, the Court has ruled twice in the past 18 months that family unity must be taken into account before adopting a return decision, even where the person to whom the return decision is addressed is not a minor but their father. The M.A.v État belge ruling concerned a father who was considered a threat to public order due to having committed  several offences whereas the LM v Centre public d’action sociale de Seraing ruling concerned a father who was unable to meet his or his adult seriously-ill daughter’s needs without receiving social assistance. In both cases the Court found that the need to protect the family life of these children under Articles 5 (a) and 14 (1) (a) of Directive 2008/115/EC (the ‘Returns’ Directive) overrode the State’s prerogative to return their fathers.

Lastly, these rights would risk being violated also whether S.D.K.A did not have Bulgarian nationality. In that case, both her and her mother K.D.K would fall under the definition of ‘spouse’ and ‘direct descendant’ within the meaning of article 2 of Directive 2004/38/EC due to the fact that V.M.A is a Union citizen and is therefore also protected by Article 21(1) TFEU.

The finding by the Court that the definition of ‘direct descendant’ covers the child of a same-sex couple will likely extend to the right to family reunification of third country nationals currently provided by several EU instruments. For instance, various directives concerning certain types of workers from third countries (researchers, highly skilled workers, workers in the field of intra-corporate transfers) refer to the definition of family pursuant to art. 4 par. 1 of Directive 2003/86/EC (the ‘Family Reunification’ Directive) and allow Member States to recognize more favourable provisions with respect to family reunification. As Directive 2003/86/EC includes in its list of family members the ‘spouse’ and ‘minor children’ of the applicant, by analogy, same-sex migrant couples with or without children should benefit from these provisions.

According to various reports (EMN) a dozen Member States currently allow same-sex couples to apply for family reunification and several Member States extend this right also to highly qualified workers (ICF) and to workers in the context of intra-corporate transfers.

Implementation of the rights recognized by the present case

The impact this ruling will have on the day-to-day life of this family is unclear at this stage.

Firstly, there is no exhaustive list of the ‘rights under Article 21 TFEU and secondary legislation relating thereto’ to which S.D.K.A has a right to nor a precise definition of the rights that the “right to lead a normal family life” under Article 21 (1) TFEU would entail. The AG clarifies that, since the definition of ‘direct descendant’ under Directive 2004/38/EC must also be adopted with regard to the concept of the ‘family members’ of a migrant worker for the purposes of Regulation 492/2011/EU (the ‘freedom of movement for workers’ Regulation) S.D.K.A may claim, for example the social and tax advantages associated with V.M.A. By the same reasoning, said Regulation could also cover her admission to that Member State’s general educational, apprenticeship and vocational training courses according to Professor Steve Peers.

Secondly, unfortunately, neither the Court nor the AG elaborate on which parental rights K.D.K is entitled to as a non-EU citizen but as the ‘spouse’ of one. The AG notes that preventing K.D.K  from being recognized as a parent would exclude her from “all the parental duties requiring proof of parental status […], medical decisions or any type of administrative procedure on behalf of the child”. Indeed, the fundamental rights granted by the European Union on many of these issues could vary greatly depending on whether they fall partially inside or outside of the EU’s competences.

(For instance, as the EP Parliament’s study points out, if the legal parent that dies, ‘the child becomes an orphan and it is then up to the family of the legally recognised parent or, in the absence of that, the State, to determine whether the non-recognised parent will even be allowed to maintain links with the child or, ideally, be recognised as the child’s parent. The child, also, does not have any (legal) ties with the family of origin of the parent who is not legally recognised as a parent. Hence, the failure to legally recognise the parent-child relationship creates uncertainty and, with it, insecurity both for the parents and the child as it, in effect, denies their relationship’.)

Her rights as a ‘spouse’ of an EU citizen are also limited. As the EP study found with regards to the implementation of the Coman case: ‘the CJEU does not yet require [the Member State of origin] to recognise a same-sex married couple […] for instance in relation to family, tax, social security, pensions, inheritance, citizenship/nationality, and medical law, e.g. hospital visitation and consultation’.

Finally, as noted by ILGA’s Head of Litigation Arpi Avetisyan: ‘implementation is the crucial part, which often is also the difficult and time-consuming one.  […] In practice the referring court in Bulgaria will have to apply the CJEU judgment and the family will continue the process in Bulgaria. It can also mean further litigation, as it happened in the Coman case […], however in short – if Bulgaria or other countries that don’t recognise same-sex unions refuse to implement the CJEU judgment, the European Commission can take legal action – namely infringement procedures. Just to reiterate, the Court specifically mentioned that MS cannot rely on protection of national identity (i.e. non-recognition of same-sex unions) to refuse the child and her family their rights to free movement’. 

Conclusions

This landmark ruling fills a series of gaps with regards to LGBTIQ* rights, freedom of movement and the protection of ‘family life’ and will likely serve as inspiration for the Commission’s upcoming proposal for a horizontal legislative initiative to support the mutual recognition of parenthood between Member States announced in its LGBTIQ Equality Strategy 2020-2025 the 12 November 2020.

According to the EP Study, said Commission proposal could go even beyond the present ruling and ‘on the legal bases of Articles 18, 21(2), 46, 50(1), and 59(1) TFEU, require[e] all Member States to recognise, for all purposes of national law […] the adults mentioned in a birth certificate issued in another Member State as the legal parents of the child mentioned in that birth certificate, regardless of the sexes or the marital status of the adults’.

This, the EP Study believes, ‘will ensure that when a rainbow family moves, the familial ties among the members of the family – as legally established and reflected in a birth certificate issued by another Member State – will automatically be recognised in the host Member State for all purposes of national law (including family reunification under Directive 2004/38)’.

It’s important to note that, with regards to issues of cross-border mobility relating to gender identity, the Court has not yet had the opportunity to rule on the rights of parental couples where one or both parents are transgender or non-binary. A 2020 report from Transgender Europe (Karsay) notes that - in addition to the obstacles discussed above - these couples suffer from additional obstacles to freedom of movement and recognition of parental bond. For example, the absence or bureaucratic complexity of the legal procedures for gender recognition can also preclude the recognition of marriage, the birth certificate and the filiation relationship between parents and children.

It is also worth recalling that several interesting cases concerning the cross-border recognition of LGBTIQ* couples and families are still pending before the CJEU and the ECtHR.

With regards to the legal recognition of the right to marry of same-sex couples, three appeals have been registered before the ECtHR, two against Poland (1, 2), the other against Romania. The first two cases concern same-sex couples to whom the Polish authorities refused to register their marriage (celebrated abroad), thus depriving them of the rights normally recognized to married couples in Poland. The third case is an appeal presented by the Coman-Hamilton couple, applicants of the CJEU Coman ruling referred to above. With this appeal currently pending, the couple considers the protracted refusal of the Romanian authorities to recognize their marriage and its legal effects as a violation of the right to marry (Article 12 of the ECHR) and discrimination due to sexual orientation (Article 14) read in conjunction with articles 6, par. 1, 8, 12 and 13 of the ECHR).

With regard to the rights of same-parent couples in cross-border situations, the ECtHR will be called upon to rule on the case of a couple challenging Poland for the non-recognition of the civil union and the birth certificate of the child born in England (NELFA).  

Photo credit: Bjoertvedt, via wikicommons 

Protecting the right to a nationality for children of same-sex couples in the EU – A key issue before the CJEU in V.M.A. v Stolichna Obsthina (C-490/20)

 

Patrícia Cabral, Legal Policy Officer, European Network on Statelessness*

The enjoyment of LGBTIQ* rights varies across Europe, including the recognition of same-sex partnerships or marriages and the recognition of legal parentage between children and those who raise them as parents – regardless of biology, gender or sexual orientation. As a result, rainbow families in Europe (families where a child has at least one parent who identifies themselves as lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersex or queer) can face problems with recognition of civil status, birth registration and access to birth certificates, leaving some children in these families either stateless or at risk of statelessness.

Such cases have occurred across several countries in Europe and reflect a wider concerning trend within the EU, where LGBTIQ*-related discriminatory laws and practices by Member States impact on the child’s right to a nationality and their access to EU citizenship. The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) will now have an opportunity to address this issue in a pending case concerning a child born to same-sex parents in Spain.

The case before the CJEU

The case before the CJEU, V.M.A. v Stolichna Obsthina, Rayon ‘Pancharevo’ (C-490/20), concerns a child born in Spain, to a British mother and a Bulgarian mother, who had entered into a civil marriage in the UK before the birth of the child. Spain issued a birth certificate, which recorded both mothers as the child’s parents, but which does not specify whether one of the women is the biological mother. The Bulgarian mother subsequently applied for the issuance of a birth certificate for the child in Bulgaria. The Bulgarian authorities refused to issue a birth certificate, on the grounds that no evidence was provided about the child’s parentage with respect to her biological mother, and that the registration of a birth certificate with two female parents was contrary to public policy, as same-sex marriages are not permitted in Bulgaria.

One of the questions asked by the domestic court to the CJEU is whether the Bulgarian authorities can refuse to issue a birth certificate on the grounds that the applicant refuses to provide information on who is the biological mother. The CJEU is also asked to consider how to strike a balance between the national and constitutional identity of the Member States (protected by Article 4(2) TEU) on the one hand, and the right to respect for private and family life and the best interests of the child on the other (Articles 7 and 24(2) of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights).

The domestic court noted that the refusal to issue a birth certificate by Bulgaria constitutes an obstacle to the issuance of identity documents and may impede the exercise of the child’s rights as an EU citizen, asking the CJEU whether this affects the interpretation of EU law. Even though it recognises that without a birth certificate the child would be unable to acquire identity documents and exercise EU citizenship rights, the domestic court does not explicitly address the impact that this may have on the child’s right to a nationality and the risk of statelessness in its request for a preliminary ruling.

In the request for a preliminary ruling, the domestic court assumes that the child would be entitled to British nationality, considering the impact that Brexit would have in the exercise of her rights as an EU citizen. However, new evidence has subsequently been submitted to the court that the UK has since refused nationality to the child (based on special provisions that do not allow a parent who acquired British nationality by descent to pass on their nationality to a child born outside the UK). As neither of the mothers holds Spanish nationality, although she was born in Spain, the child did not acquire Spanish nationality at birth. She would need to rely on a safeguard in law which ensures that children born in Spain who would otherwise be stateless can acquire Spanish nationality. However, to apply this safeguard it must be demonstrated that the child is unable to acquire any other nationality. The Bulgarian authorities’ denial of access to identity documents, which are essential for the child to evidence her Bulgarian nationality and effectively enjoy her right to Bulgarian nationality, contradict the fact that according to Bulgarian law, the child is entitled to Bulgarian nationality (see below for further elaboration on this point).

This poses a particular and paradoxical challenge in this case, in terms of the ability of the child to provide evidence that she is effectively prevented from acquiring another nationality in order for her to be able to take advantage of the Spanish safeguard. Furthermore, had the child been born in a country without a safeguard that protects children born stateless on the territory, the situation would remain unresolved and the child would be stateless due to discriminatory birth registration practices by the Bulgarian authorities. Given that the UK and Spain have both confirmed the child is neither a British nor a Spanish national, the child is currently stateless, or at least at risk of statelessness. While it is unfortunate that the domestic court did not address the impact on the child’s right to a nationality, the CJEU is free to reformulate the questions referred to it and provide all the elements of interpretation of EU law relevant to the case, including those related to access to EU citizenship and statelessness. This is a fundamental issue that the CJEU must resolve in this case.

In its request for a preliminary ruling, the court asks whether Member States have broad discretion as regards the rules for establishing parentage, however the issue is not the establishment of parentage but rather the recognition in Bulgaria, of the legal parentage established in Spain. In line with caselaw from the CJEU and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the margin of discretion that Members States have in the recognition of parentage, particularly when this impacts on the child’s best interests and identity, is narrower than for the establishment of parentage. As further explained in this piece, doubts remain as to whether the domestic authorities are refusing to recognise the legal parentage established between the child and her mothers as evidenced by the Spanish birth certificate, or whether they recognise the parentage but refuse to issue a birth certificate. Whichever position the authorities are taking, it has a severe impact on the child’s rights and the refusal to issue a birth certificate results in denying her Bulgarian nationality and thus access to EU citizenship.

Discriminatory birth registration practices negatively impact the fulfilment of children’s rights

Most, but not all of us, have had our births registered. Birth registration involves the official recording of a birth within the civil registry, which records both the fact of the birth and its characteristics. It often results in a birth certificate issued by the civil registrar that provides proof that the child has had their birth registered and is essential evidence of a child's family ties as well as their place of birth. These are key aspects of legal identity and can be critical to establishing the child’s nationality, as nationality is usually acquired either through the parents (jus sanguinis), the place of birth (jus soli), or a combination of the two.

Lack of birth registration is not the same as statelessness, yet it heightens the risk of leaving children without a nationality. Given the key information birth registration provides about individuals and their links to a State, either through the parents or place of birth, not having a birth registered or a birth certificate evidencing registration can contribute to difficulties establishing these links and consequently expose them to the risk of statelessness. Children in this situation face severe obstacles in exercising the rights to which they are entitled under international law such as the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness and the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), including access to education, healthcare and social security. In the case of children born to EU citizens, lack of birth registration and consequent impacts on acquiring a nationality will also impede on their ability to exercise their rights as EU citizens, including free movement rights.

Ultimately, it is never in the child’s best interests to be left stateless, even for a short period of time. As stressed by UNHCR in its Guidelines on Statelessness No. 4, “it follows from Articles 3 and 7 of the CRC that a child must not be left stateless for an extended period of time: a child must acquire a nationality at birth or as soon as possible after birth”.

In its concluding observations to the Bulgarian government in 2018 (CCPR/C/BGR/CO/4), the UN Human Rights Committee noted with concern that same-sex couples married abroad and their children are denied access to civil registration, and made recommendations towards eliminating discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity. Such discriminatory birth registration practices against same-sex couples often have a serious impact on the child’s right to a nationality and may render a child stateless, leading to other violations of the child’s rights. This is the situation in the current case, where the Bulgarian authorities have refused to issue a Bulgarian birth certificate for the child on the basis of birth, gender and sexual orientation.

Somewhat paradoxically, in the current case the domestic court has seemingly recognised the legal parentage between the child and the Bulgarian mother, as evidenced by the Spanish birth certificate, through its conclusion that the child would anyway be a Bulgarian national by virtue of having a Bulgarian mother (although see below why this assertion is questionable). Given the legal parentage has been recognised by the Bulgarian authorities in this way, the refusal to issue a birth certificate on the basis of establishing parentage constitutes direct discrimination based on birth, sexual orientation and gender. According to Article 60(2) of the Bulgarian Family Code, the mother of the child is the woman who gave birth to the child, therefore the woman who has not given birth is not considered a mother. However, in a similar situation of an opposite sex couple this issue would not arise, as both parents would be included in the birth certificate without requiring proof of parentage. Such discrimination is not justifiable and requesting information on the biological parentage in this case therefore constitutes a violation of Article 21(1) EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR).

This discrimination based on the sexual orientation of the parents and its impact on the child’s acquisition of nationality is further at odds with the Convention on the Rights of the Child, ratified by all EU Member States, as all children have the right to be registered immediately after birth and the right to acquire a nationality without discrimination of any kind and irrespective of the child’s or their parent’s status (Articles 2 and 7 CRC). The case also raises other important questions beyond the scope of this commentary, but which have been discussed by other experts.

Denial of a child’s nationality in practice, despite entitlement in the law, leads to statelessness

According to the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, a stateless person is somebody who is not considered as a national by any State under the operation of its law. This has been authoritatively interpreted by UNHCR as requiring “a mixed question of fact and law”, meaning that statelessness is not just about the letter of the law, but about how the competent authorities apply the law in a specific case. UNHCR also asserts that “under the operation of its law” is not synonymous with “by operation of law”, a term which signifies that acquisition of nationality is automatic in nature, as opposed to other non-automatic mechanisms to acquire nationality (such as through naturalisation).

According to the Bulgarian court, the question of the child’s right to a nationality does not arise in this case as a result of the authorities’ refusal to issue a Bulgarian birth certificate for the child. The court states that the child is still a “Bulgarian national by operation of law”. This suggests that the child would be automatically considered a national under Bulgarian law, but it must be noted that nationality cannot be established by court (Article 4 of the Law on Bulgarian Nationality) and regard must be given to how the law is applied in practice. According to UNHCR’s guidance, asserting whether a person is considered a national under a State’s law and practice requires evaluating evidence issued by the competent authorities. When nationality is acquired automatically, i.e. “by operation of law”, birth registration is usually the document that provides evidence of acquisition of nationality. By refusing to issue a birth certificate, which provides evidence of the legal parentage between the child and her Bulgarian mother, the authorities are also denying the child access to identity documents which are essential for her to evidence her Bulgarian nationality and to effectively enjoy her right to a nationality and all rights derived from it. By extension, the child is also prevented from enjoying her EU citizenship, which the CJEU has reiterated to be “the fundamental status of nationals of the Member States”.

As noted by UNHCR, “where the competent authorities treat an individual as a non-national even though he or she would appear to meet the criteria for automatic acquisition of nationality” – as in the case at hand, where the authorities are preventing access to identity documents – “it is their position rather than the letter of the law that is determinative in concluding that a State does not consider such an individual as a national”.

Denial of EU citizenship and related rights

Refusing to issue a birth certificate should therefore be interpreted as a refusal to recognise Bulgarian nationality, rendering the child stateless. This would also automatically impact on the child’s access to EU citizenship and on the enjoyment of the rights derived from it. As the CJEU held in the Zambrano case, Article 20 TFEU “precludes national measures which have the effect of depriving citizens of the Union of the genuine enjoyment of the substance of the rights conferred by virtue of their status as citizens of the Union”. The refusal to issue a birth certificate means she would be unable to evidence the acquisition of Bulgarian nationality and has no entitlement to any other nationality of an EU Member State, which would result in a denial to acquire EU citizenship and entirely deprive the child from enjoying her rights as an EU citizen.

Furthermore, the CJEU has held that the concept of public policy as justification for a derogation from a fundamental freedom must be interpreted strictly. In the Coman ruling (discussed here), it noted that the obligation to recognise same-sex marriages, for the purpose of granting a derived right of residence to a third-country national, does not undermine the national identity of Member States protected by Article 4(2) TEU or pose a threat to public policy. While Member States are free to decide whether to allow marriage between persons of the same sex, they are precluded from imposing national measures which may obstruct the exercise of free movement rights and such measures must comply with the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Although in Coman the CJEU addressed the granting of a derived right of residence to a third-country national who was married to an EU citizen, the principles outlined in the judgment could be applied to the present case in V.M.A. v Stolichna Obsthina.

Upholding EU commitments to equality for rainbow families

The EU has made important strides towards recognising and upholding the rights of children of rainbow families and their parents in recent years, not least with the recent introduction of a five-year LGBTIQ Equality Strategy, which includes protecting the rights of rainbow families as one of four key pillars for action between 2020-2025. As President von der Leyen asserted in her State of the Union address, “if one is parent in one country, one is parent in every country”. As part of the strategy, the European Commission commits to bringing forward a legislative initiative on the mutual recognition of parenthood and to explore possible measures to support the mutual recognition of same-sex partnership between Member States. This builds on work in recent years by the Commission under its List of Actions to advance LGBTIQ equality to address free movement and cross-border issues, through its dialogue with Member States to remove obstacles concerning the recognition of birth certificates of children born to same-sex couples in another Member State.

Furthermore, in order to improve legal certainty for EU citizens exercising their free movement rights, and to ensure a more effective and uniform application of the free movement legislation across the EU, the European Commission committed in the LGBTIQ Equality Strategy (as also described in the EU Citizenship Report 2020) to review the 2009 guidelines on free movement in 2022 and to ensure that the updated guidelines reflect the diversity of families, and to help all families, including rainbow families, to exercise their right to free movement.

Through these initiatives, the EU demonstrates the responsibility of both the EU and its Member States to remove barriers to birth registration and to ensure the recognition of birth certificates of children born to rainbow families, the legal parentage of the children and any consequences on the child’s right to a nationality.

In 2021, the EU will publish a 2021-24 strategy on the rights of the child, providing a comprehensive framework for EU action to promote and protect children’s rights, and including recommendations for action by other EU institutions, EU Member States and stakeholders. This presents a further opportunity for the EU to outline action to protect the rights of children of rainbow families, including the right to a nationality.

The role of the courts in respecting the best interests of the child and upholding the child’s right to a nationality

Nationality law usually falls within a Member State’s competency. However, as the CJEU emphasised in Rottman, when exercising their powers in the sphere of acquisition and loss of nationality, Member States must have due regard to EU law, including upholding the EU’s values and the rights enshrined in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. (See discussion of later CJEU case law here)

Under its Article 53, the level of protection granted by the provisions of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights is at least equivalent to the protection granted by the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and international law, including the CRC. It is therefore essential for the CJEU to draw from international jurisprudence on the right to respect for private and family life in the consideration of this case, as well as to consider the right to a nationality, the principle of non-discrimination and the best interests of the child in line with international human rights law.

Case law from the ECtHR affirms that the recognition of parentage and acquisition of nationality fall within the ambit of the right to respect for private and family life (e.g. Mennesson and Genovese), as protected by Article 8 ECHR and Article 7 CFR, and provides guidance to its interpretation. Particularly in Mennesson, the ECtHR has stressed that respect for private life requires that everyone should be able to establish details of their identity as individual human beings, which includes the legal parent-child relationship, emphasising that children have a right to legal identity.

The child’s right to a nationality is further protected under Article 15 UDHR, Article 24(2) ICCPR, and Articles 3 and 7 of the CRC. The UN Human Rights Committee has recently found that failure to identify statelessness and assess a child’s nationality status led to a violation of the right to a nationality (Zhao v Netherlands). Furthermore, in their General Comment No 14, the Committee on the Rights of the Child recognises that the best interests of the child might conflict with other interests, including the public interest, and notes that authorities must bear in mind that the right of the child to have their best interests taken as a primary consideration means that the child's best interests are not just one of several considerations, nor should they be considered on the same level as all other considerations. Rather, they take priority in all circumstances, “especially when an action has an undeniable impact on the children concerned” (CRC General Comment No 14 para 40), as is the situation in this case.

The courts play a key role in interpreting national legislation and thus aligning domestic practice with the regional and international human rights framework. While domestic courts must not lose sight of their international obligations, the regional courts have a further responsibility to ensure that the diversity of national jurisdictions does not compromise respect for fundamental rights or the best interests of the child. Cases similar to the one presently before the CJEU have been reported across Europe, with children born to same-sex couples facing discrimination in recognition of civil status documents and in access to birth registration and identity documents, particularly in Poland, Bulgaria and Ireland. The nationality laws of all Member States must be applied in a non-discriminatory manner and with respect for fundamental rights, especially when they have a direct impact on the enjoyment of EU citizenship. Currently, children are being born stateless or at risk of statelessness in the EU and denied EU citizenship, solely because of a prejudice towards their parents’ sexual orientation. The CJEU therefore has an essential role to play in supporting progress towards a seamless implementation of international standards on statelessness and human rights law in all EU Member States, and towards a Europe where no child is born stateless.

*Reblogged from the European Network on Statelessness blog

Barnard & Peers: chapter 13

Photo credit: Laurent Verdier, via Wikimedia Commons

Family reunion,the rights of the child and effective remedies: latest CJEU judgment

Professor Steve Peers, University of Essex

For parents of teenagers, it’s always later than you think, and time is forever slipping through your fingers. But imagine what it’s like for parents who can never live with their children, due to the arbitrary viciousness of immigration law. A first step unseen. A first word unheard. A school play unwitnessed. And even if the immigrant parent moves heaven and earth to comply with the conditions for family reunion in immigration law, it’s possible that just as the children might be able to join their parents, time runs out for their application because they come of age – leaving only the unbearable emptiness of a nest that was never full.

Family reunion for non-EU families in the EU is governed by the EU’s family reunion Directive, which provides for admission of children who are not at the age of majority. But what if an application is made before the child reaches that age, but is decided later?

Two years back, the Court of Justice decided such a case as regards an unaccompanied minor with refugee status, who turned 18 just after applying for asylum: the A and S judgment, discussed here. The Court ruled that as long as an asylum seeker applied for asylum before turning 18, the special rules in the Directive which provide for obligations to admit the parents of unaccompanied minor refugees still apply (assuming, of course, that refugee status was granted). However, that left open the question of what approach to take to other family reunion applications, where there is no such special rule, and in any event the date of an application for asylum would be irrelevant. (While the Directive does apply to refugee parents, it doesn’t logically follow from A and S that the date of their application for asylum should be decisive).

The recent judgment in BMM has addressed this issue – taking a humane approach to the issue of what happens when a child comes of age during the application process.

The basic EU rules on family reunion

The EU’s family reunion Directive sets minimum standards, so states can be more generous if they wish. It mainly concerns reunion of spouses and minor children with a non-EU sponsor; admission of further family members is optional in most cases. It does not apply to the UK, Ireland and Denmark. However, it will apply to family reunion of UK citizens in the EU (besides those living in Ireland and Denmark) after the post-Brexit transition period, when the UK is no longer covered by EU free movement law, unless (a) they are covered by the withdrawal agreement, if the sponsor moved before the end of the transition period (see discussion here), or (b) EU free movement law still applies, because the UK citizen is a family member of an EU citizen who has moved between Member States; or (c) national law only applies, because the UK citizen is a family member of an EU citizen who has not moved between Member States (a French citizen in France, for instance).

The standard rules in the Directive require that: the sponsor has a residence permit valid for at least one year, and has “reasonable prospects” of obtaining permanent residence; the family members must reside outside the territory when the application is made (although Member States can derogate from that rule); “public policy, public security or public health” are grounds for rejection; conditions relating to accommodation, sickness insurance and “stable and regular resources” may be imposed; Member States may require “integration measures”; and there can be a waiting period of two years of lawful stay of the sponsor before family reunion takes place.

There are also exclusions from the scope of the Directive. It does not apply at all to: asylum seekers; persons with temporary protection; persons with subsidiary protection on the basis of national or international law; and, as noted above, family members of EU citizens (whether they have moved within the EU or not). Implicitly it does not apply to irregular migrants, since by definition they do not have a residence permit with the prospect of long-term residence, until and unless Member States decide to regularise their status.  Member States can choose to extend the Directive to those categories of persons (except those covered by free movement law) if they wish. 

Member States can set lower standards than the Directive, where it allows for such derogations, although this is subject to detailed conditions. These derogations exist as regards: children over 12, who arrive separately from the rest of the family; minimum ages for the sponsor or spouse; children over 15; and a waiting period of three years.

The Court of Justice has ruled on the Directive several other times, as regards: its validity in light of human rights concerns (EP v Council); its application to dual EU/non-EU citizens (O and S); the sufficient resources condition (Chakroun and Khachab); the minimum age of spouses (Noorzia, discussed here); integration conditions (K and A, discussed here, and K); the application of the Directive by analogy to family reunion with “home State” EU citizens (C and A) and persons with subsidiary protection (K and B, discussed here); loss of a residence permit due to fraud which the family member was unaware of (YZ and others); documentation in refugee cases (E); the public policy exception (GS and VG); the definition of dependent family members of refugees (TB); and the consequences of a late decision by the administration (X).

As well as the special rules for refugee family reunion set out in the original Directive, subsequent EU legislation contains more favourable rules for the family reunion of other groups of non-EU citizens: holders of an EU Blue Card for highly-skilled workers (discussed here); intra-corporate transferees (discussed here); and researchers (discussed here). The proposal to amend the Blue Card law (discussed here) would enhance these rules further.

The judgment

The sponsor in the MBB case is a citizen of Guinea with refugee status – although the case concerns the general rules in the Directive, rather than the special rules on applications by refugees. Applications for family reunion with the sponsor’s three children were rejected, and the sponsor challenged those rejections in court. The first instance court refused to consider the legal challenges, on the grounds that the children were now grown up. On appeal, the appellate court decided to ask the CJEU questions about the interpretation of EU law in the circumstances, given the differences between the position of unaccompanied minor refugees in the AS case and the general rules in the Directive.

According to the CJEU, while the Directive left it to Member States to determine the age of majority as regards the general rules on applications (it’s set at 18 where the applicant is an unaccompanied minor refugee), it does not refer to national law as regards when to determine when that condition is satisfied. Member States should not have any discretion on the latter point, because EU law should have a uniform interpretation when it does not refer to national law, taking account of the context and objective of the legislation. The objective of this law is ‘to promote family reunification’, and it respects fundamental rights, including the right to family life and the rights of the child (to maintain a relationship with parents) in the EU Charter of Rights. So the Directive ‘must be interpreted and applied in the light of’ the Charter, including the best interests of the child.

If applications ‘timed out’ once a child became an adult, national authorities and courts might be tempted to run down the clock, ‘and could thus act in a way which would jeopardise the very rights of those minors to family reunification’, following the A and S judgment. Indeed, in this case, it took three years and nine months for the first instance court to rule; and ‘such processing times do not appear to be exceptional in Belgium’: the Belgian Government admitted that the average court waiting time is three years, and this case ‘had not been regarded as a priority by that court’ despite the ages of the children concerned. So using the date of the administrative decision would not be in accordance with the best interests of the child. Nor would applicants be treated equally, since the success of their application would be determined by how fast the administration or court decided the application.

Next, the Court ruled on a remedies point. Did the right to bring a legal challenge to a rejection, interpreted in light of the right to an effective remedy in the Charter, mean that a national court cannot simply dismiss a claim as inadmissible purely because a child ‘has reached majority in the course of the court proceedings’?

The Court ruled this out. In its view, the child still had an interest in proceedings, since the application had to take account of the age of the child at the time when the application was made. While there was no time limit for the court to give its ruling, and Member States have ‘some discretion’ as regards rules on legal challenges to rejections of an application for family reunion, Member States are still required to comply with the Charter right to an effective remedy before a tribunal. This meant that legal challenges must be ‘effective and real’. Therefore they ‘cannot be dismissed as inadmissible solely on the ground that the child concerned has reached majority in the course of the court proceedings’.

Comments

Both the substantive and procedural elements of the Court’s judgment give strong protection to family life. Its unqualified ruling that the age of the child when the application is made is decisive will guarantee that parents of teenagers cannot lose the right to family reunion purely because of national administrative or judicial tardiness. This compensates somewhat for the Court’s own decision in X, which failed to provide for an effective remedy (the automatic grant of a residence permit) in the event of a late decision on a family reunion application by the administration.

On that point, the Court’s insistence on effective remedies in the context of this Directive is relevant above and beyond the issue of timing out applications by children. The confirmation that the Charter applies to effective remedies in the context of family reunion is not surprising in light of other recent judgments (on asylum law and on visa applications, for instance), but it is always useful to put to rest any doubt on the issue. This principle has general application – so, for instance, strict time limits, or limitations on the scope of judicial review or the remedies which courts can order, could be challenged as a violation of the Charter, in any family reunion case within the scope of the Directive, not just those involving children. Again, the Court has reaffirmed its interpretation of EU law based on a rights-based reasoning, rather than the control-based approach taken by many Member States and the EU institutions during the supposed “migration crisis”.

More broadly, the Court’s reaffirmation of the importance of the rights of the child when interpreting the legislation could be relevant to interpreting other aspects of the family reunion law, as well as many other EU immigration and asylum laws: for instance, the returns Directive, the asylum procedures Directive, the reception conditions Directive, and the Dublin rules on responsibility for asylum seekers. (Note that conversely, EU criminal law legislation on child suspects’ rights – discussed here – does explicitly address this issue, setting out rules on this point similar to the Court’s family reunion judgments in its Article 2(3)).

Barnard & Peers: chapter 26

JHA law: chapter I:5, I:6

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