Showing posts with label greenhouse gas. Show all posts
Showing posts with label greenhouse gas. Show all posts

Wednesday, 31 May 2023

Advocate General’s Opinion in Grupa Azoty again lays bare a serious gap in EU judicial protection, yet does nothing to plug the hole

 



Professor Geert van Calster, University of Leuven

Photo credit: Wojciech Antosz, via Wikimedia Commons

 

Executive summary: Early March Pikamäe AG opined in Joined Cases C 73/22P and C 77/22 P Grupa Azoty S.A. et al v European Commission, an Appeal procedure regarding the admissibility of an application for partial annulment of the Commission September 2020 ‘Guidelines on certain State aid measures in the context of the system for greenhouse gas emission allowance trading post-2021’. Pikamäe AG considers that the Applicants do not have standing to challenge the Guidelines at EU level. I challenge that position, in the light of the right to judicial review before the European Courts and of the Courts' case law on the matter. I conclude that the Opinion mistakenly identifies national judicial review of entirely speculative national measures as a guarantee to access to justice, and that in doing so it compounds the challenging limitation of access to the courts in a wider context (including the environmental context), too.

 

Introduction to the case at issue

In early March Pikamäe AG opined in Joined Cases C‑73/22P and C‑77/22P Grupa Azoty S.A. et al v European Commission. At first glimpse the case undoubtedly looks pretty dull to most observers, seeing as it engages an application for partial annulment of the Communication from the Commission of 25 September 2020 entitled ‘Guidelines on certain State aid measures in the context of the system for greenhouse gas emission allowance trading post-2021’. Hardly rock and roll. Such aid is generally granted to address potential ‘carbon leakage’, i.e. relocation of industry away from the EU and its stricter climate rules. The applicants manufacture fertilisers, nitrogen compounds, and man-made fibres, a sector not listed in Annex I to the guidelines at issue. This means they are no longer (for the sector was included in the previously applicable Annex II of the 2012 Guidelines) considered to be at risk from carbon leakage.

The General Court having declared the applications inadmissible due to lack of standing, the case has now come before the Court of Justice upon appeal.

A core element in the General Court’s reasoning was [40-42] that the undertakings’ right to challenge the removal from the Annex and their consequential loss of potential State Aid, continued to be guaranteed seeing as Member States may still grant them such aid outside of the Guidelines’ framework, subject to notification to the European Commission. The likely refusal by the Commission to declare the aid compatible with the Internal Market, may then, the General Court suggested, be challenged before the European Courts.

It is this speculative reasoning which raises general concerns with respect to access to justice before the European Courts.

 

General framework for access to judicial review before the European Courts

Access to judicial review proceedings at the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) is a long contested issue. Article 263 TFEU grants EU Institutions ‘privileged access’ to the European Courts. These are included in paragraphs 2 and 3 of the Article and they are the Member States, the Council, the Commission, the European Parliament, the Court of Auditors, the European Central Bank and the Committee of the Regions. The latter 3 Institutions may only bring an action "for the purpose of protecting their prerogatives".

The fourth paragraph of Article 263 TFEU deals with the so-called "non-privileged" applicants. In the General Court’s Order in the case under discussion, standing requirements for the non-privileged applicants are summarised as follows [26]:

“The admissibility of an action brought by natural or legal persons against an act which is not addressed to them, in accordance with the fourth paragraph of Article 263 TFEU, is subject to the condition that they be accorded standing to bring proceedings, which arises in two situations. First, such proceedings may be instituted if the act is of direct and individual concern to those persons. Secondly, such persons may bring proceedings against a regulatory act not entailing implementing measures if that act is of direct concern to them..” (references to case-law omitted).

 

Direct concern. The condition of "direct concern", while a hurdle, is not their main stumble block for standing. Indeed for a person to be directly concerned by a Union act, the measure must directly affect the legal situation of the individual and leave no discretion to the addressees of that measure who are entrusted with the task of implementing it, such implementation being pure, automatic and resulting from Union rules without the application of other intermediate rules. This is recurrent case law, going back in particular to the 1978 Simmenthal judgment.

Individual concern.  The condition of "individual concern", turned out to be much more of roadblock. The approach of the Court is known as the "Plaumann" test, after a 1963 case involving a German importer of clementines. The CJEU held in Plaumann that

"(p)ersons other than those to whom a decision is addressed, may only claim to be individually concerned if that decision affects them by reason of certain attributes which are peculiar to them, or by reason of circumstances in which they are differentiated from all other persons and by virtue of these factors distinguishes them individually just as in the case of the person addressed."

This test is difficult enough on paper itself. However in practice it has become even more stringent in that for economic operators, the Court typically holds that these are affected by reason of a commercial activity which may at any time be practised by any person and is not therefore such as to distinguish the applicant in relation to the contested measure as in the case of the addressee. The Plaumann test essentially amounts to a "closed shop" test: to be individually concerned by a decision addressed to another person (including Regulations and Directives addressed to Member States), an applicant needs to show that it is part of a "closed circle of persons who were known at the time of its adoption"  (a much repeated formula, e.g. in Federcoopesca).

 

The second alternative for standing in the case of non-privileged applicants (actions viz regulatory acts not entailing implementing measures if that act is of direct concern to them) obviously drops the strict ‘individual concern’ requirement and was introduced with the Treaty of Lisbon. In PGNiG Supply, the General Court held [54] that the condition

“is to be interpreted in the light of that provision’s objective, which, as is clear from its origin, consists in preventing an individual whose legal situation is nevertheless directly altered by an act from being denied effective judicial protection with regard to that act. In the light of that objective, it appears that the third limb of the fourth paragraph of Article 263 TFEU is designed to apply only when the disputed act, in itself, in other words irrespective of any implementing measures, alters the legal situation of the applicant.”

The core to this argument of the General Court’s order, is quite clearly and as it emphasises itself, the rule of law’s core contention of ensuring effective judicial protection.

It is on this point that I should like to take issue with Pikamäe’s Opinion in Grupa Azoty.

 

The challenge with the AG Opinion

—The AG’s suggestion (32) that the Court for the first time needs to hold on the potential to challenge Commission State Aid guidelines is, with respect, neither here nor there. The standing requirements for judicial review necessarily focus on the content of the measure, regardless of their nomenclature. The Guidelines at issue are developed in such detail and, importantly, with the specific instruction not to grant aid to non-Annex sectors, that one fails to see where the Member States’ discretion may at all lie. The AG’s reference (35) ff to the legal nature of guidelines, circumscribed only by general principles of EU law such as proportionality, are sophistic at best, and his continued use of the word ‘soft-law’ for Guidelines of this kind obfuscates their true impact.

—The AG’s justification of the General Court’s abstract reasoning as fitting perfectly within the Court’s existing case-law, may be arguable at a theoretical level in the light of the CJEU authorities. Yet it fails to consider the practical impact of the Guidelines. At this point, it is useful to remind ourselves of the consequences of the standing rules in the perhaps more rock and roll area of environmental law.

The impact of the restrictive approach to standing in the area of environmental law, paved the way for Advocate General Jacob’s Opinion in Union de Pequenos Agricultores (UPA) – not followed by the Court, and to what was then the Court of First Instance’s judgment in Jégo-Quéré. The Court of Justice however rejected the AG’s and CFI’s attempts to broaden access in Greenpeace.

Regardless of whether the CJEU was correct in Greenpeace (I would submit it was not), at least its optimistic presumption in that case that access to effective judicial protection is guaranteed via the preliminary reference procedure, somewhat cynically bears out in practice. The route via national courts presupposes that the Union measure at issue requires acts of implementation by the national authorities. This often then obliges the individual concerned to engineer a violation of the rules laid down by the measures, and subsequently use invalidity as a defence in any criminal or civil action directed against it. As Advocate General Jacobs argued, it would seem unacceptable that individuals be required to break the law, in order to gain access to justice. Yet, at least this engineered route is often available.

In the scenario at issue in Grupa Azoty, that prospect is fanciful. One cannot engineer a breach of State Aid rules in the entirely speculative case that a Member State does, despite the clear instructions in the guidelines, grant aid outside of it.

—Importantly, the AG in his final considerations puts the access to justice cart before the horse, where he argues

“whilst I am aware of the prevailing opinion regarding the need to expand the routes by which individuals access justice at EU level, I question whether it would be desirable, in general, for the Court to find that a soft law instrument like the guidelines at issue is a challengeable measure, and that any competitor that is able to show that it satisfies the requirement of direct concern, as identified in the judgment in Montessori, is thus entitled to bring a legal challenge where that measure constitutes a ‘regulatory act’ within the meaning of the last paragraph of Article 263(4) TFEU. I would note in this regard that, because they can be adopted quickly and adapted to contingent economic situations, these soft law instruments have been used, for example, to frame the Member States’ response to the recent crises caused by the collapse of the banking system, the COVID-19 pandemic and the outbreak of the war in Ukraine. In such situations, could the Commission be expected to adopt measures to make the exercise of its discretion more foreseeable and transparent knowing that the lawfulness of certain provisions can be directly challenged before the General Court? Could an increase in the number of those actions, which would then seem easily foreseeable, not paralyse the Commission’s clarificatory action? Is the revision of the problematic provisions of those measures by the Commission itself not sufficient for the economic operators concerned?”

 

With respect, first of all the practical implications of granting in the case at issue a circumscribed group of applicants standing, are exceedingly minimal. Under the current Guidelines only a very small group of operators have lost potential State Aid to which they had access under the previous ones. More fundamentally, practical management of access to courts necessarily must follow that very access being guaranteed — not the other way around: access must not be circumscribed by its practical management.

 

In conclusion, the Opinion mistakenly identifies national judicial review of entirely speculative national measures as a guarantee to access to justice. In doing so it compounds the challenging limitation of access to the courts in a wider context (including the environmental context), too.  

Thursday, 29 July 2021

No Pain, No Gain? Implementing the European Green Deal and Getting the EU Maritime Transport Sector “Fit for 55”

 



Killian O’Brien, DAAD Lecturer (Fachlektor), University College London

The EU has set a target of reducing its greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 by at least 55% compared to 1990 levels. This is to be achieved as part of the European Green Deal. With a somewhat unfavourable title reminiscent of a middle-aged sport group, the European Commission rolled out its much-anticipated “Fit for 55” legislative package on 14th July 2021. This bundle of legislative measures aims to secure rapid decarbonisation of the EU economy by transforming the bloc's emissions trajectory and bringing EU policies and legislation in 12 different areas into step. Given the significant impact of the transport sector in contributing to the EU’s overall emissions balance (ca. 25% of total emissions) and that emissions from this sector have been rising in recent years, it is unsurprising that many of the proposals are directed toward transport emissions. Given the sheer breadth and volume of proposals tabled, it is difficult to engage in a thorough analysis so soon, yet this short blog aims to outline some aspect of the proposed measures as they relate specifically to the maritime transport sector.

Four of the 10 proposals announced on 14th July address the maritime transport sector specifically, three being applicable to shipping and the fourth to certain ports within the European Economic Area. The three proposals related to shipping address establishing a revised system for greenhouse gas emission allowance trading (EU ETS proposal, COM(2021) 551 final), the use of renewable and low-carbon fuels in maritime transport (Fuel EU Maritime, COM(2021) 562 final) as well as a proposal restructuring the Union framework for the taxation of energy products and electricity (Energy Taxation Directive, COM(2021) 563 final). The proposed Regulation affecting ports deals with the deployment of alternative fuels infrastructure (AFIR, COM(2021) 559 final).

Arguably, the most significant proposal is for a revised Emissions Trading System Directive (EU ETS), which would include international shipping within the EU ETS framework. Under the broader applicable international legal framework (UNFCCC, UNCLOS, MARPOL etc), shipping, which is not regulated under the Paris Climate Agreement, falls under the auspices of the UN’s International Maritime Organisation (IMO). Despite having a broad mandate to regulate marine pollution, including GHGs (Article 2, IMO Convention), progress within this designated global regulator has been at times so painfully slow that the EU has now decided to take the step towards unilateral regulation and bring shipping within the EU ETS framework. Indeed, the European Commission notes at page 5 of the explanatory memorandum to the revised EU ETS proposal that “[IMO] measures are insufficient to decarbonise international shipping in line with international climate objectives”. This is not particularly novel as the EU has previously taken the lead in unilaterally lowering the sulphur content of marine fuels following a lack of progress at IMO and legally there is no obstacle to this kind of action. UNCLOS permits States to take action to “establish particular requirements for the prevention, reduction and control of pollution of the marine environment as a condition for the entry of foreign vessels into their ports or internal waters” (Art. 211 (3) UNCLOS). Indeed, broader principles of jurisdiction in public international law allow for such unilateral measures where a substantial nexus to the matter in question can be demonstrated. The significant effects of GHGs on the environment and on individuals’ health would seem to satisfy this jurisdictional criterion and the EU is therefore entitled to push forward with the creation of unilateral market-based measures in the form of ETS. Having said that, when considered from a trade policy point of view, there is some merit to calls for the EU to continue to work towards a global solution due to the threat of loss of competitiveness as well as the potential for harmful regime fragmentation and increased costly administrative burden for shipping companies and others due to, for example, multiple monitoring and reporting standards. To that end, the EU ETS Directive proposal contains a review clause to assess progress at IMO (Article 3ge).

Under the EU ETS scheme, companies buy allowances based on one allowance being equal to 1 tonne of CO2 emitted. The proposal makes it clear that shipping companies (or the party made responsible for the emissions) will not be entitled to any free allowances. Sufficient allowances must be surrenders to cover the emissions for the year. Allowances can be bought and sold as commodities so that (environmentally friendly) companies with more allowances than they need can sell them to others or keep the unused allowances in reserve. The scheme will apply to vessels of 5,000 gross tonnes and above. The applicability of the EU ETS Directive proposal rationae loci relates to emissions from all voyages between ports in the European Economic Area (EEA) and at berth in EEA, i.e. intra-EEA voyages. In addition, extra-EEA voyages, whether inbound or outbound also fall under the scope of the EU ETS proposal, albeit only 50% of the respective inbound and outbound emissions. The considerable impetus with which the European Commission is proceeding is evident in the fact that emission allowances will already have to be purchased from 2023. However, a graduated introduction of allowances is foreseen, starting with 20% of emissions in 2023, rising to 45% in 2024, 70% in 2025 and then to full 100% emission coverage for 2026. Sanctions are foreseen with fines of €100 per tonne CO2 and repeat offenders who have been non-compliant in consecutive years could even be denied entry to EU ports.

The other most significant element within this legislative package can be seen in the imposition of the first greenhouse gas intensity requirements on shipping fuels by way of the Fuel EU Maritime proposal. This proposed Regulation stipulates a limit on the GHG intensity of energy used on-board by a ship arriving at, staying within or departing from ports under the jurisdiction of a Member State (Art. 1). Ship fuels used by these ships must improve their GHG intensity by a prescribed percentage compared to a 2020 baseline (Art. 4). Once again, a graduated approach is envisaged, with ever-more stringent improvements required every 5 years until 2050. This proposed legislation will also apply to vessels of 5,000 gross tonnes and above.

The Fuel EU Maritime proposal could lead to a considerable proportion of the energy used by ships calling at EU ports being LNG and biofuels by 2035. Two primary concerns are pertinent in this respect, namely calculations suggesting that LNG, itself a fossil fuel, in fact offers minimal emissions reductions as well as releasing methane unburned during the energy conversion (combustion) process, and that many biofuels are suspected of having less than proven sustainability criteria, depending in particular on where they are produced. In addition, the requirement that shipping companies source adequate fuels, even when the ship is outside the EU, could be particularly burdensome to the point that it is excessive or disproportionate.

A significant development contained in the EU ETS and Fuel EU Maritime proposals is the strengthened recognition of the polluter pays principle in the sector. Typically, shipping companies could have been assumed to be responsible for emissions caused and the GHG intensity of a particular vessel. However, in what would appear to be a late inclusion in the draft proposals, the EU ETS and Fuel EU Maritime proposals include provisions recognising the role of the commercial operator. Under this regime, the shipping company would be permitted to make commercial operators, i.e. charterers who determine the choice of fuel, route and speed of the ship, responsible for costs of compliance with the two draft legislative proposals in question by way of an appropriate “commercial agreement”.

The third Fit for 55 legislative proposal aimed at the shipping industry (Energy Taxation Directive, ETD) relates to the taxation of energy products and discourages the use of fossil fuels by setting higher rates of taxation for fossil fuels and lower rates for renewables products thereby decreasing the relative price advantage of fossil fuels over less polluting alternatives. The material scope of the proposed ETD therefore imposes tax on bunker fuels sold in the EEA for voyages within the EEA, although Member States can choose to extend this to extra-EU voyages. As this is a piece of taxation rather than environmental legislation, unanimous approval in Council is required. It is therefore not unthinkable that certain Member States such as Cyprus, Greece and Malta, with their particular interest in the shipping industry, could block proposals or that proposals could be considerably amended to appease certain vested interests.

In respect of ports, the scope of the AFIR proposal is limited to those ports within the Trans-European Transport Network (TEN-T). Some 329 ports make up this network, which are determined on the basis of a set of quantitative thresholds. Hence, the largest ports in terms of freight volumes and passenger volumes are affected. These ports will be responsible for providing an “appropriate” LNG refuelling infrastructure as of 1.1.2025 (Art. 11) and must also provide a minimum shoreside electricity supply for containerships and passenger ships as of 1.1.2030 (Art. 9). The proposed Regulation contains mandatory national targets for the deployment of “sufficient alternative fuels infrastructure” in relation to vessels as well as road vehicles and stationary aircraft. Common technical mechanisms are foreseen (Art. 19), in addition to national policy frameworks (Art. 13) and robust reporting mechanisms (Art. 14). The European Commission’s choice of LNG as the preferred fuel-source is interesting in that full alignment between the Alternative Fuels Infrastructure proposal and Fuel EU Maritime proposal must be maintained throughout what could be a lengthy legislative process. This is illustrative of the inter-related nature of the various proposals. In any event, considering the aforementioned criticism of LNG, its largely recognised medium-term stop-gap character and the clear preference of some significant carriers for alternate fuel sources such as ammonia, it remains to be seen whether this proposal will have sufficient longevity to have the desired effect. Further discussions will almost certainly centre on avoiding carbon leakage, future proofing, clarifying the addressees of reporting obligations and, almost inevitably, the issue of funding for capital infrastructure investment projects.

Conclusion

This preliminary assessment has shown the generally far-reaching approach adopted by the European Commission with these proposals. The unilateral nature of EU action has been identified as legally acceptable but not entirely unproblematic from a political and trade policy point of view. At the same time, the EU has enjoyed success in driving the international regulatory agenda with a similar past strategy in relation to fuel sulphur-content limits and there is every reason to think that these measures could have the incidental effect of increasing the pace of negotiations at IMO. Of course, it goes without saying that all proposals will now be subjected to considerable scrutiny and negotiation within the Parliament and Council of the EU. It remains to be seen whether and with which measures the EU maritime transport sector can be whipped into shape to make it truly Fit for 55.

Photo credit: Łukasz Golowanow via Wikimedia commons

Barnard & Peers: chapter 22