Showing posts with label energy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label energy. Show all posts

Tuesday, 13 January 2026

Constitutional Blind Spots in the EU Hydrogen Economy: How Atypical Legal Instruments in the Renewable Energy Directive Challenge Legal Certainty


 


This post was originally published on EU Law Live.

Simon Vanhove*

Photo credit: DLR, CC-BY 3.0

The European Union’s ambition to decarbonise its energy system has elevated renewable hydrogen to a strategic priority. For sectors that cannot easily electrify—such as steelmaking, chemicals, and heavy transport—renewable hydrogen and its derivatives (ammonia, methanol) are widely viewed as indispensable. Yet the Union’s regulatory architecture is characterised by a striking tension: strict supply‑side criteria for renewable fuels of non‑biological origin (RFNBOs) coexist with ambitious demand‑side quotas in the Renewable Energy Directive (RED III). This mismatch is not merely technical.  As the European Court of Auditors’ Special Report 11/2024 noted, the framework is mostly in place. Still, complexity, delays, and weak investment signals threaten the ramp‑up required to meet the targets by the regulatory deadlines. The legal instruments used are not helping to provide legal certainty, either.

Policy Backdrop

Hydrogen entered the Union’s canon with the 2020 Hydrogen Strategy (COM/2020/301). That Communication anchored hydrogen in the European Green Deal’s decarbonisation pathway, prioritising renewable production and mapping a phased scale‑up of electrolysers (6 GW by 2024; 40 GW by 2030). In 2022, Russia’s aggression against Ukraine super‑charged hydrogen’s political salience. The REPowerEU Plan (COM/2022/230) endorsed the now‑familiar twin target of 10 million tonnes of domestic renewable hydrogen and 10 million tonnes of imports by 2030, knitting energy security narratives to decarbonisation. The legal linchpin for hydrogen sits in RED III: binding RFNBO uptake in industry and transport, plus a framework of technical rules that define what qualifies as “renewable” hydrogen.

From Delegated Acts to Q&A Documents

Two 2023 delegated acts do the heavy lifting. Delegated Regulation (EU) 2023/1184 elaborates the ‘additionality’ and spatio‑temporal correlation requirements linking hydrogen electrolysis to renewable electricity. Delegated Regulation (EU) 2023/1185 sets the greenhouse‑gas (GHG) accounting methodology and the 70% savings threshold. To further operationalise intricate RFNBO criteria, the Commission published web‑based Q&A documents, first in September 2023, and again in March 2024. They are explicitly styled as “living tools,” disclaiming binding effect and reserving freedom to argue otherwise before the Court of Justice. Crucially, they are not adopted in a formal procedure, not published in the Official Journal, and earlier versions are not systematically archived for comparison. Matching them with the legal acts listed in Article 288 TFEU is difficult, especially since these documents are clearly not Commission communications, such as the related Guidance on targets for the consumption of RFNBOs of September 2024.

Still, these Q&As influence behaviour, because market actors treat them as signals of how authorities will read compliance. That mix—de facto steering, de jure disclaimers—sits uneasily with transparency and legal certainty. It also tangles with the doctrine of legitimate expectations. The Court protects expectations only where assurances are ‘precise, unconditional and consistent,’ and even then expects recipients to stay ‘prudent and alert,’ as the Court indicated in Falqui v. Parliament (C‑391/21 P, paras 105-106).

Recitals as Implicit Carve-Outs

Legal uncertainty does no stop there. Two recitals of RED III are used as stopgaps in the EU’s hydrogen policy.

‘(62) The Union’s hydrogen strategy, […] recognises the role of existing hydrogen production plants retrofitted to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions in achieving the increased 2030 climate ambition. In light of that strategy, and within the framework of the call for projects organised under the Union’s Innovation Fund […], early movers have taken investment decisions with a view to retrofitting pre-existing hydrogen production facilities based on steam methane reforming technology with the aim of decarbonising hydrogen production. For the purpose of calculating the denominator in the contribution of renewable fuels of non-biological origin used for final energy and non-energy purposes in industry, hydrogen produced in retrofitted production facilities based on steam methane reforming technology for which a Commission decision with a view to the award of a grant under the Innovation Fund has been published before the date of entry into force of this Directive and that achieve an average greenhouse gas reduction of 70 % on an annual basis, should not be taken into account.’

Recital 62 acknowledges early movers: fossil hydrogen plants retrofitted with carbon capture, often with Innovation Fund support. It suggests that hydrogen produced there (meeting a 70% GHG reduction) should be excluded from the denominator when computing industrial RFNBO uptake, significantly relieving pressure on governments to achieve those targets. Thus, pre-existing investments (and subsidies) may be salvaged.

Recital 63, then, recognises the specific challenges in integrated ammonia facilities.

‘(63) Moreover, it should be acknowledged that the replacement of hydrogen produced from the steam methane reforming process might pose specific challenges for certain existing integrated ammonia production facilities. It would necessitate the rebuilding of such production facilities, which would require a substantial effort by Member States depending on their specific national circumstances and the structure of their energy supply.’

In contrast to the preceding recital, this recital does not suggest an approach to accommodate those ‘specific challenges’, let alone any criteria or conditions for support.  A Commission statement recorded in Council minutes upon final voting of the RED III indicates that these facilities could be exempted, essentially on case-by-case discretion of the Commission. Amortisation and final investment decisions may be relevant considerations in that respect. The Commission thus pulls itself up by its own bootstraps, installing an ad hoc grandfathering regime based on a single recital, that, at best, acknowledges economic hardship.

As guardian of the Treaties, the Commission oversees implementation and may adopt delegated or implementing acts where empowered to do so. There is, however, no general executive prerogative to carve out obligations when not duly authorised by the co‑legislators. In the case of recital 62 of RED III, the conditions for exclusion appear only in the preamble – not the provisions of the Directive. A lawful derogation would require an explicit empowerment under Article 290 TFEU and respect for the ‘essential elements’ doctrine. Absent that mandate, guidance cannot rewrite targets by administrative interpretation. The same caution applies to recital 63, where the wording is even more nebulous. If transitional flexibilities are politically necessary, the correct path is to legislate them—be it by amending RED III or by a narrow implementing act where authorised. Anything less is convenient in the short run but comes at the expense of legal certainty and equal treatment.

The politics are intelligible: early investments and hard‑to‑retrofit facilities pose transition dilemmas. The legal technique is more problematic. Recitals have interpretative value; they do not, however, derogate from operative provisions. Nor can unilateral declarations in Council minutes alter the legal nature of a directive. The Court’s long‑standing guidance—famously in Antonissen (C‑292/89, para. 18)—makes clear that such declarations cannot drive interpretation where the text is silent. If the legislator wants exemptions, they belong in the articles. Where there is no legal mandate, it is difficult to argue for Commission discretion at all.

Could Q&A documents or Council statements generate protected expectations? Sometimes—if the assurance is precise, unconditional, consistent, and within the administration’s discretion. Where a Q&A simply explains how the Commission will conduct its own assessments, reliance may be reasonable. However, where it delivers an interpretation of EU law, even inadvertently, the disclaimer and the Court’s interpretive monopoly cut the other way. The question then remains what those Q&A documents bring to the table.

Why This Matters: Climate Governance by Law

Governing through Q&As, recitals, and unilateral declarations may buy flexibility in a fast‑moving technological field, but it blurs lines of accountability and invites uneven implementation across Member States. The better course is to anchor exemptions and obligations in law, with explicit delegations, consultation, impact assessment, and judicial review. That path is slower. It is also the one most likely to reassure investors, safeguard equal treatment, and maintain the rule of law as the green transition’s backbone rather than its afterthought.

The EU’s hydrogen economy will not be built by ambition alone. It requires a legally coherent framework that reconciles tight production rules with credible uptake trajectories, robust certification, bankable support schemes, and predictable enforcement. The toolkit already exists: RED III sets the targets and the 2023 delegated acts define what counts as renewable. Ultimately, legality depends on the separation of instruments: laws in the articles; context in the recitals; implementation via empowered acts; explanation in guidance; and politics in press lines.

*Dr. Simon Vanhove is a postdoctoral researcher in energy law at Tilburg University, where he is affiliated with both the Law School’s department on Technology, Law and Society (TILT) and the Academic Collaborative Centre on Energy and Climate. He acknowledges funding of the Belgian federal Ministry of economic affairs under the Energy Transition Fund’s project MuSe (Molecules at Sea) 2023-2025.   

 

Wednesday, 4 January 2023

REPowerEU: a European fiscal space beyond the pandemic



 

Rosalba Famà, PhD student in EU law, Bocconi University

 

Photo credit: ThibaultC, via wikicommons media

 

The European Union is in the process of adopting a new initiative named REPowerEU to manage the current energy crisis which followed the Russian invasion of Ukraine. On May 2022, the Commission presented a comprehensive REPowerEU strategy which includes a proposal to amend Directives on the promotion of the use of energy from renewable sources, on energy performance of buildings and energy efficiency, as well as an ambitious industrial policy program which aims to break free from all energy dependency. Only the latter will be the object of the current analysis and I will refer to it as the REPowerEU plan. This programme is designed to boost reforms and investments dedicated to diversifying energy supplies and will be embedded in the legal architecture of Next Generation EU (NGEU), which is the European plan for the economic recovery after the Covid-19 pandemic. This blogpost, after depicting the geopolitical context of the adoption of REpowerEU, will explain its objectives, its legal structure and its functioning. It will then conclude that NGEU represents a blueprint for further European initiatives which involve common spending in times of emergency.   

         

As it is well known, in order to tackle the economic consequences of the pandemic, the EU adopted the NGEU plan which consists of taking up common debt of up to 750 billion euro to distribute funds amongst the requesting Member States. The distribution is in the form of loans and grants based on a formula that favors countries most affected by Covid-19 (see Art 12 of Reg 2021/241 establishing the Recovery and Resilience Facility). This unprecedented and ambitious plan has allowed the EU to avoid a serious economic recession caused by the consequences of the lockdowns. Since then, another unexpected geopolitical event occurred being the Russian invasion of Ukraine.    

  

Before the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine, EU Member States relied extensively on Russian energy imports which provided gas and oil, both for industrial and household use. Accordingly, the Russian energy supply played a crucial role within the European economy. It became self-evident that the EU’s dependence on Russian oil and gas markets represents a threat for the continuation of the EU’s economic recovery following the pandemic and makes an enfranchisement strategy indispensable. Therefore, with the Versailles Declaration of 10 and 11 March 2022, the Heads of States and Governments of the EU agreed on the need for a plan to phase out the dependency on Russian fossil fuel imports.

 

This ambitious objective requires massive investment in strategic energy infrastructure having an estimated cost of up to 210 billion euro. As such, the EU is confronted with the need to provide additional large amounts of funding to cover the cost of these new investments. The Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF), the temporary fiscal capacity dedicated to the pandemic introduced with NGEU, is regarded as a “well-suited” instrument to contribute to the Union’s response to these new challenges. To foster the independence and security of the Union’s energy supply, REpowerEU will channel additional funds to the RRF and allocate these amounts to the Member States to modernize the EU energy infrastructure.

 

Moving to the legal structure of REpowerEU, the plan will have the form of a Regulation of the Council and the European Parliament which amends Regulation (EU) 2021/241 establishing the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF). REPowerEU introduces within the framework of NGEU, an additional chapter of reforms and investments, dedicated to diversifying energy supplies and increasing energy efficiency of the Member States. REPowerEU also amends Regulation (EU) 2021/1060 which lays down Common provisions on European funds, Regulation (EU) 2021/2115 that regulates the European Agricultural Guarantee Fund (EAGF) and the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD), Directive 2003/87/EC establishing a scheme for greenhouse gas emission allowance trading within the Community, and Decision (EU) 2015/1814 on the Market Stability Reserve for the Union greenhouse gas. Amending certain provisions concerning European funds is crucial to channel additional resources to a new “basket” of the RRF, which will be specifically dedicated to finance energy related targets also called “REPowerEU objectives”.

 

The legal basis for the RRF is Article 175 (3) TFEU, a provision falling within the scope of the cohesion policy that allows the establishment of specific actions outside pre-existing funds when they are proved to be necessary. This provision is drafted in very broad terms and actions to be adopted only need to comply with a necessity test. The general objective of the RRF stated in Article 4 of Regulation (EU) 2021/241 is to promote the Union’s economic, social and territorial cohesion by mitigating the social and economic consequences of the Covid-19 crisis. REPowerEU amendments aim at increasing the resilience of the Union energy system in two ways, on the one hand through a decrease of dependence on fossil fuels and, on the other hand, through a diversification of energy supplies at Union level.  

 

At the heart of the REpowerEU implementation is the pooling of pre-existing European resources for new energy related targets and milestones, such as improving energy facilities to meet immediate security of supply needs, boosting energy efficiency in buildings and critical energy infrastructure, increasing the production of renewable energy, addressing internal and cross-border energy transmission bottlenecks and supporting zero-emission transport. To accompany those changes, the workforce must also be requalified towards green skills. The provisional agreement on the Commission proposal reached between the European Parliament and the Council in December 2022 set up that at least 30% of resources distributed under REPowerEU must be allocated to measures having a cross-border or multi-country dimension or effect. Moreover, the co-legislators agreed on establishing measures to tackle energy poverty and to support vulnerable households, SMEs and micro-enterprises particularly affected by energy price increases.   

 

The REPowerEU objectives will be financed in three different ways. Firstly, by revenues coming from the Emission Trading System; secondly by redirecting unspent NGEU’s loans; and thirdly by channeling pre-allocated resources from shared management programmes. As to the new revenue, additional grants of up to 20 billion Euro will be made available. This amount comes from the auctioning of the Emission Trading System allowances. The amendments to Directive 2003/87/EC authorize the auctioning of the allowances for the period until 31 December 2026 and until the total amount of revenue has reached 20 billion Euro. This revenue will be available to the Recovery and Resilience Facility. Resources from the ETS, disbursed in the form of non-repayable support, represent an example of solidarity and economic redistribution within the EU that favors Member States most negatively affected by the energy crisis. To this purpose, the distribution criteria will consider their energy dependency rate and the share of fossil fuels in gross inland energy consumption.

 

As to the REPowerEU loans’ component, REPowerEU will allow the allocation of unspent NGEU’s loans to the new REPowerEU objectives. As known to date, not all 27 Member States requested NGEU’s loans within their National Recovery and Resilience Plans. For example, Germany’s recovery plan foresees only the request for grants. Notwithstanding, according to Article 14 of the Regulation establishing the RRF, those Member States may ask for support in the form of loans until August 2023. Indeed, those States have access to finance in the financial markets at very low interest rates because of their high credit ratings. As it is self-evident, they have no appetite for this type of financial support, which is provided by the EU only upon the achievement of ambitious targets and milestones set in the National Recovery and Resilience Plan. This explains why there are currently unspent loans within NGEU. Therefore, REPowerEU aims to mobilize these resources to those Member States that have the need due to their lower financial ratings. To this aim, Member States will have a limited period of time after the entering into force of REPowerEU to communicate to the Commission whether they intend to request additional loan support. Afterwards, the Commission must present an overview of the willingness expressed by the Member States and propose a plan for the distribution of the available resources.

 

The REPowerEU objectives will also be financed by a percentage of resources coming from other funds established by the Union standard budget, i.e. non NGEU-related. In other words, the REPowerEU will allow the redirection of pre-allocated funds to support new energy targets. This third way of financing the REPowerEU objectives is very innovative as it allows Member States to request to transfer resources under shared management programmes to the RRF. Those transfers consist in up to 12.5% of the national allocation under the Common Provisions Regulation (EU) 2021/1060, up to 12.5% of the national allocation under the European Agricultural Fund for Social Development. The Council has proposed the transfer to the RRF of all or part of a provisional allocation from the Brexit Adjustment Reserve. In this way, requesting Member States can pool European resources already allocated to them under different European spending programmes towards energy related targets. This exercise requires strategically orienting public expenditure in times of emergency.

 

The procedure for approving revised Recovery and Resilience Plans comprises different stages. First, Member States willing to receive additional funding to reach REpowerEU objectives are requested to submit an updated version of their National Recovery and Resilience Plan including a new REpowerEU chapter. Within the framework of the 2022 Country Specific Recommendations, the Commission has indicated actions needed to face the current energy crisis per each Member State. Any Recovery and Resilience Plan which includes a REPowerEU chapter must indicate reforms and investments energy related to be funded by the RRF, with corresponding new milestones and targets in compliance with the Country Specific Recommendations. It may also contain the scale-up of reforms and investments adopted in the previous version of the Recovery and Resilience Plan. Second, the Commission assesses the plans considering whether proposed reforms and investments are capable of contributing towards the diversification of Union’s energy supply and reduction of dependence on fossil fuels before 2030. Third, in the event of a positive assessment on a proposal from the Commission, the Council approves the Recovery and Resilience Plan by means of an implementing decision setting out reforms and investments to be enforced by the Member States and the financial contribution (see Article 19 of Reg 2021/241).


Although NGEU was built as a one-off operation, the current energy crisis is showing that it is flexible enough to accommodate new emerging needs. In particular, the RRF being based on an ordinary cohesion legal basis seems capable to survive well beyond the pandemic. As long as economic resources are channeled to the RRF, this new facility can accelerate investments and address common strategic objectives. The adoption of a plan such as REPowerEU proves that NGEU is a blueprint for further action as the functioning of the RRF is capable to be used again and again. It also shows the necessity for the EU to equip itself with tools to quickly react to unexpected shocks. It remains to be seen if NGEU will account to a mere temporary fiscal space, confined to Covid-19 and the current energy crisis, or rather a much needed permanent one to boost common strategic investments beyond the pandemic.

Wednesday, 11 May 2022

How can law repower Europe? Ending fossil fuels and the Sustainability Directive

 



Ewan McGaughey, Reader in Law, King’s College London

Photo credit: Geopolitical Intelligence Services, via Wikicommons

 

With Putin’s criminal war on Ukraine, the RePowerEU and UK government initiatives will end Russian fossil fuels in Europe, and the US president aims to end fossil fuels completely. For ‘national security and for the survivability of the planet, we all need to move as quickly as possible to clean, renewable energy’, said Biden, and ‘the days of any nation being subject to the whims of a tyrant for its energy needs are over.’ This recognises that switching from one aggressive dictator’s fossil fuels to another’s won’t work. We need to stop coal, oil and gas as fast as technology allows – a recognition of everyone’s universal right ‘to share in scientific advancement and its benefits’. The Sustainability and Due Diligence Directive proposal has already been hotly criticised for its many shortcomings. And this is a text that arrived even before our new geopolitical reality. The RePowerEU communication (8 March 2022) focuses on changing import sources, turning down thermostats, and investing more in wind and solar. But it does not yet engage and capitalise upon a vast range of legal options.

 

            So this blog post asks, how can corporate law and regulation repower Europe to achieve the goal: 100% clean energy? This draws upon extended analysis of the law in my new book, Principles of Enterprise Law: the Economic Constitution and Human Rights (Cambridge UP 2022). It will explain EU law, but most analogues for the UK are also found in the model Green Recovery Act. First, this post examines the reasons to replace coal, oil and gas as fast as technology allows. Second, it identifies where EU legislative changes with the greatest strategic impact (that are often neglected) can be made, and explains the limits of the Sustainability Directive proposal. Third, it concludes with a call to shift from distant targets like 2050 or 2030, to move as fast as technology allows.

 

1. Reasons to replace coal, oil and gas as fast as technology allows

The Ukraine war makes us realise that ending coal, oil, and gas is an environmental and a geopolitical imperative. First, countries whose exports are the most fossil fuel intensive are most likely to be dictatorships because of the ‘resource curse’. The markets for oil and gas extraction have very high barriers to entry, and foster territorial monopoly. With this concentration, political elites can capture inordinate wealth. They use that wealth to suppress their populations, and launch aggressive war. So, finding fossil fuel resources has rarely been a blessing. More usually fossil fuels curse people with oligarchy, dictators and conflict. Clean energy makes politics more democratic, and private enterprise more plural and competitive, because nobody can monopolise the sun, the wind and the rain. The materials to utilise these clean and natural resources are cheap, dispersed and abundant.

            Second, all fossil fuels fill the air with toxic filth, in the UK costing the NHS £6 billion and killing 40,000 people every year. If that’s not enough, fossil fuels drive global burning and flooding. This isn’t climate ‘change’. It’s apocalyptic climate damage. Shell, Exxon, Total, RWE, Gazprom and the rest profit from it. This is the worst negative ‘externality’. The polluters externalise the costs of their production, try to make us pay, say it’s what we want, and greenwash and lie about what they do. Remember, every week UEFA ran Gazprom ads until March. 

            Third, the best way to stop negative externalities is usually through bans. Damages or taxes may help, but can also be a distraction. While much economic theory focuses on Pigouvian taxes, or Coase’s evidence-free theory that the only real cause of market failure is transaction costs, the empirical reality is that carbon taxes have failed, and bans work. Bans galvanise political coalitions with moral clarity. After years of unsuccessful calls for ‘regulation’ of the evil, the bans on slavery, aggressive war, and nuclear testing largely succeeded. History’s most successful international environmental law, the Montreal Convention, banned CFCs and HFCs (with very few exceptions) and has healed the hole in the ozone layer. Fortunately, the production areas where coal, oil and gas can not be easily and profitably replaced are now largely limited to planes, cargo ships, cement and steel. And all of these have solutions in development. They will come clean with enough R&D investment, and the necessity of technology, given the impending bans: “Vorsprung durch Verbote, und Technik.”

 

2. Repowering Europe

So, how can corporate law and regulatory reforms repower Europe? The easiest method is to focus on the sector-specific emitters, namely energy extraction and generation, transport, agriculture and buildings. Then, we can examine corporate and financial laws, which have cross-sector effect. Ironically, to understand how corporations really behave, corporate law alone leaves us in the dark. We must expand our view across the seamless web of rules in which corporations are embedded: in short we must learn the law of enterprise.

 

Energy extraction and generation

The RePowerEU plan identifies that the EU annually imports 155 billion cubic metres of gas from Russia (and 387 bcm in total) plus 27% of our total oil, and 46% of our total coal imports. The plan proposes switching imports to the US, and Qatar – a quick fix – and there are plans to speed up wind and solar capacity deployment. We will go much faster if all Member State regulators and energy companies actively played a part in driving up capacity. A critical fact is that coal, oil and gas are more expensive than clean energy, even without the cost of climate damage factored in. There’s no “clean coal”. Oil is black muck, not “gold”. Gas is a poison, not a “transition”. The Taxonomy Regulation proposal to count fossil gas as ‘sustainable’ must go.

            Three examples of reform follow. First, the Electricity Directive 2019/994 needs a new article 8a, imposing duty on Member States to ensure all electricity undertakings to convert all their supply to wind, solar or other clean energy, for instance at a rate of 33% a year. Second the Gas Directive 2009/73/EC needs a new article 5, with a duty on Member States to phase out all gas as fast as scientifically possible, and redeploy infrastructure and staff wherever possible to hydro-storage facilities. This world map identifies the best energy storage locations: you pipe and pump water up a hill or a mine, and let gravity do the rest. Third, the Hydrocarbons Directive 1994/22/EC, article 2 should be replaced with a new duty on Member States to eliminate all fossil fuels, and place corporations that refuse to convert into a public insolvency procedure.

 

Working vehicles and auto-makers

As the shift to 100% clean energy generation is underway, transport will change too. Business behaviour and vehicles are far easier to shift than consumers – whose cars are parked 96% of the time in any case, and who are not so often making rational cost-benefit calculations. The most impactful emission reductions are in delivery vehicles, taxis, buses and rail: working vehicles constantly in use. On the demand side, in the Bus Passenger Rights Regulation 2011 (EU) No 181/2011, a new article 6a should have a duty on Member State bus licensing authorities, and companies, to electrify their fleet, for instance at a rate of 33% a year. There should also be a duty on Member States to identify and implement electric bus routes to replace as much traffic as possible. The Railways Directive 2012/34/EC, article 17(4A) should similarly have a new duty, as a condition of licensing, to electrify all rail as fast as technology allows, in cooperation with infrastructure owners. Subsidies for rail should be provided that will eliminate any flight-path of comparable speed (e.g. London to Paris). Analogous provisions on electrification should be written for all taxi and private hire vehicle corporations, and furthermore for all business vehicles. In particular, tax deductions should only exist for fully electric vehicles: this is how we convert massive fleets of postal operators, supermarkets, police or ambulances. All tax breaks for petrol, diesel or hybrid vehicles must scrapped, because the medium term total operating costs for non-electric transport is far higher: electricity is far cheaper than petrol, and clean energy costs are declining logarithmically. The more we subsidise fossil vehicles, the more we damage European business.

            On the supply side, Europe’s automakers need to stop dragging their heels and step up to 100% electric, especially in Germany. In World War Two, the US government told its automakers that it needed all factories to retool for planes, and the corporate executives replied their demands were impossible: only 10-15% of production could be switched a year. But the US government insisted, and it was done at incredible pace. We are at war now. Ukrainians are being tortured, mass raped and massacred by war criminals. Saudi Arabia is run by another sadistic war criminal who chops up journalists, and starves Yemeni children. The list goes on.

            So we need to amend the Vehicle Emissions Regulation (EU) No 459/2012/EC with a new Annex, and a new Euro 7 standard, that has zero emissions: all vehicles electric. Similarly, the Emission Performance Regulation (EC) 443/2009 article 4 should require all new vehicles are zero emissions, and prohibit shareholder dividends or director bonuses, and impose executive pay cuts, until this is achieved. After “Dieselgate”, the automakers have a moral duty to convert to electric now. But more than this, if hard law does not pick up the pace, Europe’s carmakers will be overtaken by Asian and American competition. Markets work, but they are slow. It took 50 years for cars to replace horses, even though they were obsolete, and we do not have time. Not driving electric, again, is costing European business, and us, the Earth.

 

Agriculture and buildings

Our food and homes are the next biggest users of toxic fossil fuels. The Common Agricultural Policy presents huge potential, since it is over a third of the EU’s total budget: that money should go back to its original purpose of achieving social goals, not enriching agri-businesses that decimate nature. The Direct Payments Regulation (EU) No 1307/2013 article 9 should require all ‘active farmers’ to plant trees and enhance biodiversity, and articles 45 and 46 should be amended to progressively raise the ‘ecological focus area’ requirements from 5% to 25%. In the Management and Financing Regulation (EU) No 1306/2013 a new article 91a should have conditions for farmers to eliminate unnecessary machinery, the practice of no-tilling to revive soil and retain carbon, and use of robot weedkillers instead of huge herbicide sprays. To solve rural poverty and boost investment, all employers in receipt of money should be required to pay living wages and recognise independent trade unions, and the Rural Development Regulation (EU) No 1305/2013 article 5 should be require installation of electric charging points, and provision of electric public transport, just like the great New Deal programmes in the Rural Electrification Act of 1936.

            For buildings, the Energy Performance of Buildings Directive 2010/31/EU articles 2(2) and 7-9 should change from a duty for ‘nearly zero-energy buildings’ to ‘negative energy buildings’ following the motto ‘every building a power station’. Article 14 on ‘inspection of heating systems’ should include a ban on all new gas heaters, and create a duty to replace existing heaters in public and commercial buildings, then homes, with heat pumps or electric boilers.

 

Corporate, banking and trade

A final group of changes cut across all enterprise sectors. First, there is a growing body of cases that hold governments and companies responsible for climate damage. Urgenda v Netherlands (2019) held the Dutch government had to cut emissions by 25% by 2020, and the Klimaschutz case (2021) held the German government had a duty to speed up climate measures so as to not place all burdens on younger generations. The courts held that without action there would be breaches of the European Convention on Human Rights, article 2, on the right to life. If these Member State courts are right (hard to doubt) this binds the whole EU, even the UK. Also, in Milieudefensie v Shell (2021) the Dutch Civil Code section 162 on tort was interpreted, in light of the right to life, to require Shell to reduce all direct and indirect emissions by 45% by 2030. Further in Lliuya v RWE AG (2017) a German Upper State Court is gathering evidence on whether to award damages in tort for 0.47% of flood defence costs for a Peruvian community, against RWE AG, which itself is responsible for 0.47% of all historic greenhouse gas emissions. We should not have to wait for the courts. We should codify these tort principles in EU law. We should also amend the Accounting Directive 2013/34/EU article 6 to require all companies account for the cost of reversing climate damage, and the Company Law Directive 2017/1132/EU article 45 to require all companies with significant greenhouse gas emissions to aside reserves for climate damage liability. This will likely push most polluters to convert their businesses, or go out of business.

            In terms of macro-structure, the European Central Bank Statute, article 1, should clarify that ‘price stability’ entails reducing inequality and ending climate damage, because inequality of income and wealth concentrates risk and drives depression, and the wild fluctuations of gas, oil and coal prices – driven by dictators now as in the 1970s – is a prime cause of inflation. Then we have to overhaul the GNI Regulation (EU) 2019/516, and replace ‘Gross Domestic Product’ as a measure of economic performance with objective factors that do not count harm to the environment, human health, and ‘loss of our natural wonder’ as positive. The Inequality-Adjusted Human Development Index, with real wages and working time replacing GDP is a simple option.

 

Directors duties’ and the Sustainability and Due Diligence Directive

How does this all compare to the SDDD proposal, released a day before Putin’s criminal invasion? The proposed Directive would require companies turning over €150 million, or €40 million in ‘critical sectors’, to prevent ‘potential adverse impacts’ on a list of international human rights and environmental norms (arts 2-3, 7 and Annex). If ‘the adverse impact’ (that is, human rights abuse and environmental damage) ‘cannot be brought to an end’, says article 8(2), ‘Member States shall ensure that companies minimise the extent of such an impact.’ Article 15 says large companies should have a ‘business model and strategy... compatible with the transition to a sustainable economy’ (not defined) and  ‘limiting of global warming to 1.5 degrees’, and report their plan on climate risk. Then article 25 says directors have a duty to ‘take into account the consequences of their decisions for... human rights, climate change and environmental consequences’. This replicates the Companies Act 2006 section 172 but without the directors’ defence of good faith.

            The main problems with this proposal are that it is laden with greenwashed jargon that diverts responsibility from executives of coal, oil and gas corporations (‘adverse impact’, climate ‘risk’, or ‘combating’ climate change). It’s “blah, blah, blah” and the filthy fingerprints of the fossil fuel lobby are everywhere. Instead of saying “do no harm” article 8(2) gives companies a licence to pollute, violate labour and human rights, and argue over it in court if the wrongs ostensibly ‘cannot be brought to an end’. Presumably Gazprom would have been arguing that its environmental damage or NordStream2 just could ‘not be brought to an end’ but they could plant some trees to ‘minimise the impact’. BP executives would be inventing a new paper trail saying they took environmental consequences into account before Deepwater Horizon exploded – woops! – so no breach of duty. But is this proposal better than nothing? Yes it is extraterritorial. But given Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, perhaps it is worse, because it made everyone feel like they are doing something when they were not, as the dictator funded their next aggressive war. As well as stripping article 8(2), and a dozen other changes, article 25 should instead create a duty of every director to shift to clean energy supply as fast as technology allows, divest from all fossil fuels, and make products of lasting and durable quality to minimise material throughput. This duty should be enforceable by investors, employees and other groups with a sufficient interest in the company.

 

Act now, and ditch distant targets

If this war makes us realise anything, it’s that the lies and inaction must end. In 1977, Exxon Corp did internal research finding that ‘mankind is influencing the global climate through carbon dioxide release from the burning of fossil fuels’. Then, instead of shifting to be a network renewable company, its executives lied to the world about climate damage, and so did all the rest. In 1997, Putin wrote a masters thesis on how Russia could be great again if it exploited its resources, particularly fossil fuels, and after he turned his country into a petro-state, he became the world’s biggest climate denier. We cannot wait till 2050 or 2030 to end this psychopathic economic and geopolitical system. Those dates are not really targets later, but licences for coal, oil, gas and dictators to keep going now. Science does not tell us what we should do, it only says what is happening. Every puff of smoke, every slick of oil, every lump of coal is doing us damage, and once we understand that we see the cost of inaction is immense. Any rational, thoughtful person sees that we must end fossil fuels as fast as technology allows. And what we can win is so much greater: clean air, a plural economy, a more democratic polity, a more just society, and peace.

 



Thursday, 4 March 2021

CJEU jurisdiction over the Energy Charter Treaty and its compatibility with the Treaties: Opinion of AG Szpunar in Case C-741/19

 


 

 

Hannes Lenk, Assistant Professor in Law, Aarhus University

 

 

On 24 September 2019 the French Cour d’appel de Paris requested a preliminary reference from the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) on the interpretation of the concept of ‘investment’ in Article 1.6 of the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT). The relationship of the ECT with the EU legal order has long been in question, but came under criticism particularly following the Achmea judgment that sent shockwaves around the arbitration community as it declared investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) provisions in bilateral investment treaties (BITs) concluded between EU Member States inter se as incompatible with the EU Treaties (discussed here). Scholars and practitioners have since tried to ascertain the broader effects of the Achmea judgment for investment arbitration, including its impact on the intra-EU application of the ECT, i.e. in disputes brought by an investor from an EU Member State against another Member State.

 

In light of yesterday’s Opinion of Advocate General Szpunar in the case referred from the French court (Case C-741/19), this post focuses on the jurisdictional issues, ie the jurisdiction of the CJEU over the ECT, and the intra-EU application of the ECT.

 

Jurisdiction of the CJEU over the ECT

 

Case C-741/19 is peculiar because the underlying dispute involves two non-EU parties. It is only for the seat of arbitration in Paris, that the dispute ultimately developed an EU law dimension. In April of 2016, the French Cour d’appel set aside the award, ruling that the tribunal had no jurisdiction having erred in considering the payment of a debt linked to a contract for the sale of electricity as an ’investment’ under Art 1.6 ECT. Upon appeal the Cour de cassation disagreed with this narrow interpretation and reverted the case back to the Cour d’appel.

 

Article 267 TFEU furnishes national courts with an option—and in some cases an obligation — to refer to the CJEU questions over the interpretation of a legal act that falls within the Court’s jurisdiction. This includes so-called ‘mixed’ agreements, that is international agreements concluded by the Member States alongside the EU with third countries. Indeed, the EU as well as its Member States (with the exception of Italy that withdrew from the ECT in 2016) are all signatories to the ECT. As ‘an integral part’ of the EU legal order (Case 181/73 Haegeman) the ECT is binding on the Union and its Member States by virtue of Article 216(2) TFEU. Strictly speaking, the ECT is only to be viewed as a Union agreement in as far as its provisions fall under exclusive competence of the Union (Case C-239/03 Commission v France).

 

Following Opinion 2/15 on the EU-Singapore FTA, this exclusive competence extends in the field of investment to all matters concerning foreign direct investment (with the exclusion of investor-state dispute settlement provisions). Non-direct forms of investment, as well as provisions on liberalization and protection of these investments, fall outside of the EU’s exclusive competence. ISDS provisions are likewise excluded (discussed here). This delimitation of competence carries certain ramifications for the CJEU’s jurisdiction over mixed agreements.

The CJEU has nonetheless interpreted its own jurisdiction broadly, covering provisions of a mixed agreement that are liable to find application in both national law and EU law (Case C-53/96 Hermès). In these cases, the argument for CJEU jurisdiction lies with the Union’s interest in the uniform interpretation of an international agreement. This is certainly the case for an interpretation of ‘investment’ within the context of the ECT, considering that certain forms of investments fall within, while others fall outside, of the exclusive competence of the EU. The classification of an economic transaction as one or the other type of investment, or falling outside of the scope of the ECT altogether is furthermore liable to have ramifications for the application of national as well as EU law. It would not be unreasonable, therefore, for the CJEU to assume general jurisdiction over the ECT.

 

The Advocate General confirms the broad jurisdiction of the CJEU over the ECT as an agreement concluded by the EU (paras. 28-29). However, the AG is quick to acknowledge that Case C-741/19 concerns a dispute between a Ukrainian investor and the Republic of Moldavia, and that this factor might have implications on the Court’s jurisdiction (para. 30).

 

Indeed, there may be legitimate reasons for the uniform interpretation of the ECT in disputes with an EU dimension. It is not immediately clear, however, why this reasoning should be extended to the application of the ECT in disputes that have no substantive link with the Union legal order. Indeed, in the context of the EEA agreement the CJEU recognized that it had no jurisdiction to interpret the provisions of a mixed agreement in as far as its application in third countries is concerned (Case C‑321/97 WÃ¥kerÃ¥s-Andersson); Case C‑300/01 Salzmann). Although the concept of ‘investment’ under the ECT is liable to be applied in situations that fall under both Member State as well as EU law, in the present case it is being applied to neither.

 

The AG, however, differentiates the EEA context from the specific characteristics of the ECT in two respects. On the one hand, the ECT lacks a judicial institution that is capable of ensuring its uniform interpretation of the agreement. It is therefore liable to create differences in interpretation of core concepts such as ‘investment’ (para. 40). Second, considering the design of the ECT, which can be broken down in a number of bilateral commitments between the contracting parties, it cannot be excluded that the ECT finds application in relations between the Member States inter se (paras. 41 and 42). It is in the Union’s interest, so the AG concludes, to ensure the uniform interpretation of provisions of the ECT that find application within the Union legal order (para. 45). It is true, of course, that the Cour d’appel might be compelled to uphold its interpretation in future cases, including disputes involving measures adopted by the EU or an EU Member State. The argument in favour of uniform interpretation might therefore have merit in all circumstances where the ECT is interpreted by a Member State court ‘in order to forestall future differences in interpretation’ (Joined Cases C-300/98 and C-392/98 Perfums Dior, para. 35).

 

In the eyes of the AG the ECT would be applied within the EU legal order if an EU investor initiates a dispute against a Member State, be that before an ISDS tribunal established on the basis of Article 26 ECT, or the domestic courts of that Member State. Having indulged in some detail on the issue on intra-EU application of the ECT (discussed below), the AG returns towards the end of his opinion to the application of the ECT against an EU Member State before the domestic courts. Acknowledging that an exhaustive analysis as to the overlap of the ECT and EU law is nearly impossible to carry out in the abstract, the AG departs from the general proposition that the substantive provisions of the ECT were intended to be applied also within the EU legal order (para. 97). This finding alone would have justified CJEU jurisdiction over the ECT. And yet, the AG analyses in some detail the controversial issue of intra-EU application of the ECT.

 

The intra-EU application of the ECT

 

This has long been a contentious issue. However, with the Achmea judgment it has gained gravity, both politically as well as in EU and domestic courts. Politically, the Achmea judgment created a rift between EU Member States over the effect of the Court’s ruling. Whereas the majority of Member States declared in February 2019 that the Achmea judgement applies mutatis mutandis to the intra-EU application of the ECT, a group of five Member States rejected this proposition (see here and here). For this group of Member States, which included Sweden, the dissenting position was primarily based on the outcome of the set-aside proceedings in Novenergia II, which is currently pending before the Svea Court of Appeal. At the time these declarations were made there were strong reasons to believe that the Swedish court would follow Spain’s request to refer the question over the validity of intra-EU ECT arbitration to the CJEU. In May 2019, however, this request was denied, and the uncertainty over the relationship between the EU legal order and the ECT remained.

 

In the meantime, the Belgian government requested an Opinion from the Court of Justice on the compatibility of the modernization of the ECT with the EU Treaties. Opinion 1/20 thus directly concerns the institutional set-up under the ECT, and cannot ignore the issue of the intra-EU application of Article 26 of the ECT. Furthermore, the issue has already—somewhat unexpectedly—sprung up in other cases before the CJEU. Only recently, Advocate General Saugmandsgaard Øe commented on the issue, noting that ‘inasmuch as Article 26 of the Energy Charter, …, provides that such disputes may be resolved by arbitral tribunals, that provision is not applicable to intra-Community disputes’. The case, which concerned the application of the ECT by an Italian investor against Italy, turned on the central question as to whether investors can initiate ISDS proceedings against their home state under the ECT. On the contrary, the issue of intra-EU application of the ECT was entirely irrelevant to the dispute. Indeed the AG acknowledges as much (para. 93). The CJEU has yet to decide in this case but is unlikely to engage with the AG on this point.

 

More importantly, although the present case does no immediately concern the intra-EU application of the ECT, it has the potential to shed some light on the issue. During the written procedure, some Member States raised the incompatibility of intra-EU application of Article 26 of the ECT with the Treaties. In preparation for the hearing in November 2020, all intervening Member States were asked by the CJEU specifically to provide their views on this issue.

 

AG Szpunar elegantly connects this question logically with the Court’s jurisdiction, arguing that the CJEU only has jurisdiction over provisions of an international agreement that may also find application within the EU legal order (para. 46). Consequently, if in light of the Achmea judgment Article 26 of the ECT cannot be applied as between Member States, the Court cannot have jurisdiction (para. 47). Noting, the differences between the ECT and intra-EU BITs, which were at issue in Achmea, the AG then explicitly invites the Court to take this opportunity to address this controversial question in its judgment (para. 48). Going even further, the AG asks the CJEU to address the compatibility of substantive provisions in intra-EU investment agreements with the Treaties, an issue not addressed in Achmea.

 

Reviewing first the Achmea judgment, the AG provides some notable insight into the conceptual differentiation of commercial arbitration, which is generally accepted under EU law, and investment treaty arbitration. This aspect was at the heart of Achmea judgment but was insufficiently substantiated by the CJEU. The AG here confirms that it is precisely the systemic nature with which Member States have waived the jurisdiction of domestic courts over an abstractly defined class of cases, which undermines the principles of mutual trust and the specific character of the law established by the Treaties (including the judicial dialogue established under Article 267 TFEU) (para. 63), and thus the principle of autonomy.

 

Ultimately, the AG concludes that the inapplicability of intra-EU ISDS provisions has no temporal limitations and the jurisdiction of an arbitral tribunal on the basis of such a provision can simply not be recognized within the Union legal order (para. 69).

 

Applying this view to the ECT, the AG notes certain similarities. On the one hand, he observes that although the applicable law under the ECT does not include domestic law explicitly, an arbitral tribunal under the ECT might nonetheless face questions over the interpretation, if not application, of EU law (para. 75). On the other hand, the AG opines that the ECT investor-state tribunals are, like investment tribunals established under intra-EU BITs, outside of the EU legal order (para. 76). As a consequence, so the AG argues, Achmea can be directly transposed to the intra-EU application of Article 26 of the ECT (para. 79). This conclusion is not called into question by the multilateral nature of the ECT, nor the EU’s participation in the agreement (para. 83).

 

Challenge and opportunities for the CJEU in Case C-741/19

 

The case raises a number of novel questions in EU law that would undoubtedly benefit from greater clarity. This includes the Court’s jurisdiction over incomplete mixed agreements, ie mixed agreements to which not all Member States are signatories, as well as its jurisdiction over provisions of multilateral agreements in their application outside of the EU.

 

In as far as the Achmea judgment carries relevance, a more detailed explanation of the Court’s differentiation between commercial arbitration and investment arbitration would also be welcome. It should be remembered in this respect that Case C-109/20 PL Holding, which is currently pending before the CJEU, raises additional questions in light of AG Szpunar explanations in the present case. In 2019 the Svea Court in annulment proceedings concerning an investment award issued under the Poland-Belgium/Luxembourg Bilateral Investment Treaty, ruled that Poland’s failure to object to the jurisprudence of the investment tribunal led to a parallel arbitration agreement that existed between PL Holding and Poland independent of the underlying BIT. This, so the Svea Court concluded, results from the application of the Swedish Arbitration Act.

 

According to AG Szpunar, commercial arbitration presupposes the exercise of the disputing parties’ autonomy to submit to arbitration in respect of a particular dispute. Consequently, the commercial tribunal’s limited jurisdiction derives directly out of a specific arbitration agreement that defines the precise nature of the dispute (para. 60). This is juxtaposed by the systemic, permanent and unilateral nature with which an offer to arbitrate is extended under an international investment agreement (para. 61). If, however, domestic arbitration laws can have the effect of turning treaty arbitration into contractual arbitration, the differentiation underlying AG Szpunar’s reasoning would suddenly disappear.

 

Most controversial about Case C-741/19 is its instrumentalization by Member States as a venue for the settlement of political conflict. The issue of intra-EU application of the ECT was only raised in the written submissions of some of the intervening Member States. It’s now prominent role in the proceedings, shifted the focus of the substantive nature of the dispute, and deprived interested Member States’ from an opportunity to substantively engage with this issue in their written observations. Member States that have advocated the application of the Achmea judgment to the intra-EU dimension of the ECT already during the negotiation of the plurilateral agreement on the termination of intra-EU BITs, now effectively hijacked judicial proceedings where the material question over the intra-EU application is merely of latent relevance.

 

To be sure, there is nothing inherently wrong with the judicialization of political disputes. Indeed, the Treaties offer a plethora of procedural avenues to contest the validity of the ECT. It is doubtful, however, that the present case offers an appropriate venue to review this question. After all, Opinion 1/20 will allow the Court to thoroughly assess the institutional design of the ECT. Since potential incompatibilities of the ECT with the Treaties can only be resolved through political negotiation, Opinion 1/20, which addresses the ECT modernization process, offers an adequate forum to not only identify the shortcomings, but provide guidance for the Commission’s negotiations. More importantly, the Court can resolve the jurisdictional question without evaluating Article 26 of the ECT. AG Szpunar, in fact, provides for this possibility in his Opinion.

 

The Opinion of AG Szpunar is eloquently written and wittingly argued. And while its relevance for aficionados of EU law cannot be overstated, the Court should be wary to wander down this path and reserve its judgment to the essential elements that it needs to address in order to answer the question referred to it. This is not to diminish the importance of the substantive question at the heart of AG Szpunar’s reasoning, nor to challenge the correctness of his analysis. It rather goes to asserting the integrity of the judicial process and the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice.

 

Barnard & Peers: chapter 24

Photo credit: Erik Christensen, via Wikimedia commons