Showing posts with label Whistleblowers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Whistleblowers. Show all posts

Friday, 24 February 2023

Halet v Luxembourg: A Victory of the Unsung Heroes

 



 

Dimitrios Kafteranis* and Stelios Andreadakis**

 

Photo credit: CherryX, via Wikimedia Commons

 

*Assistant Professor in Law, Centre for Financial and Corporate Integrity, Coventry University

** Reader in Corporate and Financial Law, Brunel University London

 

 

The Grand Chamber judgment of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) on 14 February 2023 on the case Halet v. Luxembourg is a victory for whistleblowers and the right to freedom of expression. The long-awaited judgment has put an end to a legal battle of more than 10 years for Raphael Halet and rectified the previous decisions of the Luxembourg Court of Appeal and of the third Chamber of the ECtHR. The Court stated that whistleblowers should be protected under Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) when they report facts of public interest. The tax matters at hand were of public interest and the Court made a significant statement in that regard by protecting  Mr Halet, who did not report an illegal practice or a wrongdoing, but “certain information that concerns the functioning of public authorities in a democratic society and sparks a public debate, giving rise to controversy likely to create  a legitimate interest on the public’s part in having knowledge of the information in order to reach an informed opinion as to whether or not it reveals harm to the public interest”.

 

The Court had to decide whether Mr Halet’s criminal conviction, following the disclosure by him to a journalist of sixteen documents issued by his employer had amounted to a disproportionate interference with his right to freedom of expression. The Luxembourg Court of Appeal had decided that the damage that Mr Halet caused to his employer, PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), is not outweighed by the interest in having the information. This position was confirmed by the third Chamber of the ECtHR. The Grand Chamber referred to its established case law and the famous Guja criteria. These criteria are: (1) the channel for disclosure, (2) the public interest, (3) the authenticity of the information, (4) good faith, (5) damage to the employer and an assessment of whether such damage outweighed the public interest, and (6) the sanction imposed. While the Grand Chamber examined the six criteria again, the focus was on the fifth and sixth criterion.

 

First, the Court clarified that the criteria should be examined without a specific order as there is no hierarchy or order to be followed in their examination. Concerning the balancing of the public interest in the disclosed information and the detrimental effects of the disclosure, the Court did not consider it as a conflict of rights (as suggested by the Luxembourg government). It examined, instead, whether the domestic courts struck a fair balance between, on the one hand, the public interest of the disclosed documents, and, on the other hand, the entirety of the harmful effects arising from their disclosure. The Grand Chamber stressed that the Luxembourg Court’s requirement of “essential, new and previously unknown” disclosed information is not relevant. The Court highlighted that a public debate may be ongoing and additional information can come at a later stage. The fact that a public debate on tax practices was already in progress in Luxembourg could not reduce the relevance of the disclosed documents. The Court actually spent several paragraphs in its judgment on the importance of the debate around taxation and dubious practices of tax avoidance and tax optimisation extensively used nowadays. It is sometimes necessary for the alarm to be raised several times on the same subject before the public authorities, or the society as a whole, are mobilised and exercise increased vigilance.

 

On the issue of balancing the damage to the employer and the need of the public to be informed, the Court took a different stance compared to the previous decisions. While it acknowledged the detrimental effect of the disclosures on PwC, it was decided that the Luxembourg Court of Appeal did not sufficiently justify why the damage suffered by PwC had not been outweighed by the general interest. The criticism of the Grand Chamber was that the Luxembourg Court of Appeal only referred to “damage to …… image” and “loss of confidence”, but did not enter into details. In fact, PwC had “a difficult year” following the Luxleaks investigations, but quickly increased its revenues and expanded its activities again. The Court concluded that, in the balancing exercise made by the domestic courts, the public interest in the information revealed was analysed narrowly and, on the question of the damage, the Luxembourg Court only focused on the damaged sustained by PwC, disregarding other relevant issues, such as the harm also caused to the private interests of PwC’s customers and to the public interest in preventing and punishing theft and in respect for professional secrecy. As a result, the Grand Chamber found that the Luxembourg Court of Appeal erred on the assessment of this criterion.

 

Furthermore, the Grand Chamber examined the sixth criterion: the severity of the sanction. It highlighted the importance of whistleblowers for the society, while stressing that any undue restriction on them may have a chilling effect on and dissuade potential whistleblowers to come forward. Regarding the criminal conviction of Mr Halet, the Court concluded that it was not proportionate in light of the legitimate aim pursued and Luxembourg’s interference with Mr Halet’s right to freedom of expression was not “necessary in a democratic society”. The Court awarded €15000 non-pecuniary damage and €40000 covering costs. It should be noted that Mr Halet spent almost ten years in this legal saga, so it is worth considering whether this compensation can really make up for the financial damage he suffered, not to mention the damage to his career and professional standing. It should be taken into consideration that whistleblowers often lose their jobs and have to undertake lengthy and expensive legal battles, thus the courts should, in the future, look for more efficient ways to compensate them.

 

The joint dissenting opinion of the four Judges at the end of the judgment is also worthy of examination. The four Judges criticised the Grand Chamber’s approach on the notion of public interest, on the importance of safeguarding professional secrecy, on the balancing exercise and on the severity of the sanction. An important comment is that the dissenting Judges referred to Mr Antoine Deltour as a bad faith worker who stole documents. Considering that Mr Deltour was not found to be in bad faith and his “theft” was legally justified due to him being a whistleblower, the use of such characterisations by the dissenting Judges came as a surprise. The reasoning of the dissenting Judges reflects a rather “old-school” analysis of whistleblowing, which questions the co-existence of whistleblowing and professional secrecy as well as its relation to criminal law. The fact that whistleblowers report events, which are not illegal per se, but can initiate a public debate, is significant, as it promotes transparency, accountability and allows the public to find out about instances of wrongdoing. Having said this, it is important to note that everything should be done in a proportionate way and never in bad faith.

 

Overall, the Grand Chamber’s judgment can be seen as a victory for all unsung heroes, who blew the whistle and suffered retaliation, blacklisting and demotion. The Court sent a message that whistleblowers should be heard and not suppressed. As it was emphasised, the purpose of whistleblowing is not only to uncover and draw attention to information of public interest, but also to bring about change in the situation to which that information relates, where appropriate, by securing remedial action by the competent public authorities or the private persons concerned. This is what Ralph Nader had in mind, when he coined the term for the first time in 1960s: whistleblowing as an alarm mechanism, which aims at alerting, informing, changing, but, above all, protecting our democratic society.



Tuesday, 23 April 2019

New EU Directive on Whistleblower Protection




Vigjilenca Abazi, Assistant Professor of EU Law, Maastricht University & Fellow, Yale Law School

*The author is the co-author of the model Directive presented at the European Parliament in May 2016.


With an overwhelming majority, the European Parliament on 16 April voted in favour of the new law to protect whistleblowers in the European Union. The Directive sets leading standards and has become a prime example of how a concerted effort by civil society – NGOs, trade unions, journalists, scholars, and whistleblowers – together with the European Parliament can lead to progressive legislation and enhance tools that safeguard the rule of law in Europe.  

‘Promoting Gold Standard Protections’ 

Prior to this Directive, whistleblowers faced a paradoxical situation in Europe: they would be prosecuted at the national level, whilst celebrated for ‘promoting European values’ at the EU level, as in the case of LuxLeaks whistleblower Antoine Deltour. The European Parliament called upon the Commission to propose legislation since 2013, yet the Commission had rejected the calls noting lack of EU competences to legislate. The Council was also sceptical, as many member states do not have national laws in place. A key turning point was the presentation of the model Directive promoted by the Greens & European Free Alliance at the European Parliament in 2016. Protecting whistleblowers became inevitable after the EU witnessed the murder of two journalists, Daphne Galizia in Malta and Jàn Kuciak in Slovakia, who exposed corruption in their respective countries.
     
The Directive provides significant improvement in protecting whistleblowers and moves Member States closer toward an advanced legal framework. Indeed, as noted by the world’s leading NGO for whistleblowing, the Whistleblowing International Network, the EU ‘has raised the bar for all EU governments to lead the world in promoting gold standard protections for whistleblowers’ or as Commissioner Jourová remarked these ‘rules will be a game changer’.

The Whistleblower

The Directive covers workers in the public and private sector. More specifically, it includes civil servants, the self-employed, shareholders, management, administrative or supervisory bodies, volunteers, paid or unpaid trainees, contractors, subcontractors and suppliers, individuals disclosing breaches during a recruitment process and former workers. The Directive does not encompass EU officials. For a worker to be able to invoke the protection granted by this Directive, the worker must have reasonable grounds to believe that the information reported was true at the time of reporting and that the information fell within the scope of the Directive.

Wide Ranging Policies

The Directive has a wide scope of protection not only in terms of who can be a whistleblower, but also in terms of policies that it covers. The Commission drew from many different Treaty provisions to ensure that reporting gaps are not created, although the disclosure should be related to a breach or abuse of EU law in any of the following issues: public procurement, financial services, prevention of money laundering and terrorist financing, product safety, transport safety, protection of the environment, radiation protection and nuclear safety, food and feed safety, animal health and welfare, public health, consumer protection, protection of privacy and personal data and security of network and information systems, protection of the financial interests of the Union, breaches of internal market rules, including competition and State aid rules or tax avoidance issues. Strictly national policies are not covered and neither are violations of worker’s rights and working conditions. The latter exclusion will be reviewed in future.

Disclosure Channels

One of the most contested points since the Commission proposed the Directive last year is whether protection will be made conditional on the whistleblowers first reporting internally. The Commission proposal set out a three tier reporting process, and it envisaged a mandatory disclosure first and foremost internally in the organisation. Not only was such a proposal counter to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights on the issue, but also it would have caused more harm than good, especially in Member States that have legislation in place and do not demand such strict channels.

Indeed, the role of civil society cannot be stressed enough in this regard, as it played an invaluable role in making sure that the European Parliament amended the mandatory internal reporting. EP rapporteur Rozière understood these concerns and ensured that this piece of EU legislation meets the adequate standards rather than create uncertainty in legal protection. Making this her “biggest” priority, she succeeded in defending whistleblowers to choose the best means available for disclosure. The adopted Directive foresees that whistleblowers would be protected for reporting internally or for reporting directly to regulators and competent authorities. Reporting to the public still has strings of conditions, but if there were a risk of retaliation or low prospect of the reported breach to be addressed, whistleblowers would be protected if they reported to the public. 

Applicable to Businesses and Public Administration

The Directive applies both in the private and public sector, including to local authorities. Channels for reporting must be set up by companies with more than 50 employees. Local authorities that have less than 50 employees or municipalities with less than 10,000 inhabitants are exempt from the obligation to set up channels of reporting. More guidance on how local and regional authorities should ensure protection for whistleblowers could nevertheless be found in a Resolution of the Council of Europe, which was also voted with sweeping majority earlier in April 2019 by the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, laying out in detail recommendations and the most recent data on the matter. 

Implementation and Practice

A good law in the books is of little use if its implementation in practice falls short. It will be of outmost importance that the Member States transpose this Directive in its full spirit and even push higher standards where possible. Member States will have two years to transpose the Directive to national law and civil society will continue to monitor closely and possibly facilitate national debates in how whistleblowers should be protected. After the scandals of LuxLeaks, PanamaPapers and Cambridge Analytica, citizens are becoming increasingly aware that whistleblowers play a crucial role in exposing wrongdoing and should not pay a personal price for defending public interest. National governments should take note of this public opinion and implement the EU Directive to its fullest.

Photo credit: The Guardian Nigeria