Showing posts with label German Federal constitutional court. Show all posts
Showing posts with label German Federal constitutional court. Show all posts

Tuesday, 26 August 2025

Holy Orders or Higher Law? Praying for a Karlsruhe intervention

 


Jonas Siebold

Photo credit: ReinhardHauke, via Wikimedia commons

A lot is at stake for the Protestant Church in Germany. In the pending “Egenberger” case (2 BvR 934/19) before the German Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) in Karlsruhe, nothing less than the church’s right to self-determination itself is at issue. “Egenberger? Karlsruhe?” Wait a minute. Attentive European Union lawyers will certainly be familiar with this case. But first things first.

I. The Case

In 2012, Vera Egenberger applied for a position at a Protestant organisation (the Evangelisches Hilfswerk für Diakonie und Entwicklung). The job description required a church membership, which Egenberger did not have. Ultimately, she was not invited for an interview, while the candidate who got the post was a Protestant Christian. Ironically enough, the position was for bout producing a report on the elimination of discrimination.

Assuming that her application had been rejected because she did not belong to any denomination, Egenberger claimed compensation under Section 15 (2) of the German General Act on Equal Treatment (Allgemeines Gleichbehandlungsgesetz, AGG). Nevertheless, Section 9 (1) of that Act allows for discrimination on religious grounds, if a religious requirement constitutes a justified occupational requirement, having regard to the self-perception of the religious society concerned, in view of its right of self-determination or because of the type of activity.

II. The Judgment

The German Federal Labour Court (Bundesarbeitsgericht), as court of last instance, referred several questions to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) as a preliminary reference. Questionable was the interpretation of Directive 2000/78/EC of 27 November 2000 establishing a general framework for equal treatment in employment and occupation, which includes a requirement of equal treatment on grounds of religion (subject to exceptions).

In its judgment (Case C-414/16), the CJEU responded that religious communities invoking the necessity of religious affiliation for filling positions only align with Article 4 (2) of Directive 2000/78/EC (which sets out a specific ‘genuine occupational requirements’ ground of justification as regards religious discrimination) when there is an “objectively verifiable existence of a direct link between the occupational requirement imposed by the employer and the activity concerned”. Whether this is the case is subject to effective review by national courts. The Federal Labour Court then carried out the interpretation required by EU law and concluded that religious affiliation was not necessary for the position to be filled.

III. The Complaint

With a constitutional complaint to Karlsruhe, the Protestant organisation now aims to ensure that the question of the necessity of religious affiliation for a church position may only be answered based on the church’s self-perception, without control by national courts. As the Federal Labour Court followed the CJEU’s preliminary ruling, its judgment is insofar determined by EU law. Although the constitutional complaint is directed against the Federal Labour Court’s final judgment, the complainant indirectly aims for more – a review of the CJEU’s judgment.

Is that even possible? In principle not, according to the primacy of EU law, established in the CJEU’s landmark decision Costa/E.N.E.L. from 1964. Six years later the CJEU explicitly clarified in Internationale Handelsgesellschaft that this even applies for national constitutional law. Furthermore, the CJEU is exclusively responsible for the interpretation and application of EU law, according to Article 19 TEU.

So why is the Protestant organisation now coming up with the apparently far-fetched idea of taking legal action before the FCC? Admittedly, one or two European Union lawyers and CJEU judges would certainly agree with this approach. However, Karlsruhe is less monotheistic than its Luxembourg colleagues when it comes to the principle of primacy of EU law. While it accepts the primacy of EU law, it does not accept it in the absolute terms set out by the CJEU.

IV. The National Court’s Control

Under admittedly strict requirements, Karlsruhe reserved for itself three reservations of control over the primacy of EU law. In exceptional cases it reviews whether the European Union level of fundamental rights protection generally shrinks to a level below that which essentially corresponds to the German (Solange II review). Furthermore, if EU institutions manifestly overstep their competences (ultra vires review) or pursuant to article 23 (1) 3 in conjunction with article 79 (3) of the Basic Law, the inviolable core of the national constitutional identity is affected (identity review).

Even if perhaps the dogmatic amount of reasoning seems unique, numerous Member States’ courts share the perspective of a merely relative primacy of EU law. Such an understanding is a test for the Union’s cohesion but bearable due to the utmost restraint in reviewing. For Germany, this is demanded and ensured by the Basic Law’s openness towards European Union Law.

V. The Argumentation

But let’s get back on track. Which review could be considered for our complainant? The level of European Union Fundamental Rights protection is arguably stronger than ever before, so realistically only the ultra vires or identity review seem possible.

The defendants claimed that the CJEU fails to respect the status of religious communities as guaranteed in Article 17 TFEU. This is arguably not correct, as primary law and the directive require a balance to be struck between the self-determination of religious communities, which is anchored in national law but also protected by EU law and protection against discrimination. But this is a question of the judgment’s compliance with EU law and not exceeding competences.

Then, is the church’s right to self-determination, as enshrined in article 140 of the Basic Law in conjunction with article 137 (2) of the German Constitution of 11 August 1919 (Weimar Constitution), part of the inviolable core of the national constitutional identity? In principle, this can be considered. But not in general for every individual case, particularly for less strictly ecclesiastical activities like in Egenberger. This would hardly align with Karlsruhe’s narrow understanding of the constitutional identity, including only the core of human dignity in fundamental rights and fundamental principles like democracy or the rule of law. Finally, it would unduly jeopardise the fundamental rights of job applicants and employees.

VI. Conclusion

Therefore, the odds for a Karlsruhe intervention seem small and due to the argumentation presented unconvincing. It would be surprising if, after the fiercely debated PSPP-judgment from May 2020, the FCC revolts against the CJEU again, in this case of all cases. But who knows, maybe the Protestants’ prayers will be heard in Karlsruhe.

A decision is scheduled for 2025.

Wednesday, 14 April 2021

The Own Resources Decision as an Ultra Vires Act or a Violation of Constitutional Identity? An analysis of possible procedural scenarios




Benedikt Riedl, research assistant, lecturer and PhD candidate, LMU Munich

On March 26, 2021, the German Federal Constitutional Court (GCC) held that the Own Resources Resolution Ratification Act (ERatG) must not be executed by the Federal President for the time being.


The extent to which the Own Resources Decision could be an ultra vires act or a violation of the constitutional identity of the German Basic Law has already been presented on the Verfassungsblog and the European Law Blog. Since public interest in the outcome and furthest possible course of the proceedings is high, this article will also present the possible procedural scenarios.

Two possible ultra vires acts and a possible identity violation

First, however, the three most important substantive problems should be summarised once again. The Own Resources System could be an ultra vires act in two respects. Additionally, there is a connecting factor that could be seen as a violation of constitutional identity. Those who have already read the posts from the Verfassungsblog and the European Law Blog can skip straight to the heading "Third Problem: Violation of the overall budgetary responsibility of the German Bundestag".

Background: Own Resources Decision and Next Generation EU

The subject of the summary proceedings is the Own Resources Decision Ratification Act. This is the German law approving the financing of the European Union until 2027. It is the legal basis for the entry into force of the current Own Resources Decision of the European Union of December 14, 2020. The Own Resources Decisions of the European Union are based on Article 311 (3) TFEU and, in addition to other revenue, serve to finance the EU budget. The current Own Resources Decision enables the European Commission in Article 5 (1a) to take out loans of up to 750 billion euros with a term of up to 38 years. With these funds, the European Union intends to temporarily use 750 billion euros within the framework of its NextGenerationEU economic stimulus package to repair the immediate economic and social damage caused by the Corona pandemic. The most important instrument in this stimulus package is the Recovery and Resilience Facility, which will provide 627.5 billion euros in loans and grants to support reforms and investments in the countries of the European Union. Implementation of the economic stimulus packages by the European Union is only possible once all Member States have ratified the Own Resources Decision (Article 311 (3) sentence 3 TFEU).

The German Bundestag approved the Own Resources Ratification Act on March 25, 2021. The vote was preceded by a heated debate, during which the Minister of State at the Federal Foreign Office described the Own Resources System "as a necessary and overdue step towards a fiscal union".

Ultra vires review and identity review

The central question under EU law is whether the Own Resources Decision and the authorisation to incur debt violate the Treaties. If this is the case, this could constitute an ultra vires act of the European Union. The central question under german constitutional law is whether the Own Resources System affects the limits set by the overall budgetary responsibility of the German Bundestag and be incompatible with Art. 79 (3) of the Basic Law.

First, the question arises as to why a Member State‘s constitutional court can decide on this question of EU law at all. The starting point is the primacy of application of Union law over any national law – including constitutional law – which is recognised today by both the GCC and the ECJ. However, since its Costa/E.N.E.L. ruling, the ECJ has assumed an unconditional primacy of application, which follows from the special nature of Union law as a new, independent legal order. In contrast, the GCC, like all other European constitutional and supreme courts, does not derive the primacy of application from Union law itself but assumes primacy by virtue of the constitutional authorisation of the Member States.

Ultra vires review (i.e., review of authority by a constitutional court of a Member State), refers to whether the EU institutions have exceeded their authority in a sufficiently qualified and structurally significant manner. Several European constitutional and supreme courts have already declared Union acts to be ultra vires (e.g. Cohn-Bendit ruling in France, Holubec ruling in the Czech Republic, Ajos ruling in Denmark (also discussed here), PSPP ruling in Germany). In the specific case, the question is whether the Own Resources Decision is manifestly in violation of the Treaties. As far as the question of the legal basis is concerned, it can be assumed that the constitutional complaint will not be successful. The situation is different, however, concerning the questions of earmarking and liability risk.

First Problem: Sufficient legal basis and earmarking?

It is undisputed that Article 311 (3) TFEU is the legal basis under Union law for the European Own Resources Decision of 14.12.2020. According to this, the Council, acting unanimously in accordance with the special legislative procedure and after consulting the European Parliament, adopted a decision setting forth provisions governing the Union's own resources. However, according to Article 311 (3) sentence 2 TFEU, only the Union’s own resources can be introduced. The applicants argue that borrowed funds are not the Union‘s own resources. However, according to the wording of the contracts, only the Union’s own funds (own resources) and no external funds (external resources) could be raised. This is a very restrictive literal argument based on the differentiation between debt and equity capital in business economics. The ECJ, with its strongly teleologically oriented case law guided by the idea of effet utile, will most likely not follow this line of argument. Instead, it will probably endorse a broad understanding of “own resources“. Should the GCC follow the applicant's argumentation, a referral to the ECJ would be necessary in any case. There is no acte clair that would make a referral unnecessary.

However, the earmarking of the Own Resources Decision and the regulation establishing the Corona Reconstruction Fund is also important. According to Article 122 (1) and (2) TFEU, the European Union can take action with concrete measures using binding legal acts, for example, to grant a Member State financial assistance under certain conditions in the event of serious supply bottlenecks, natural disasters, or extraordinary events. The above-mentioned instruments of Union law within the framework of the NextGenerationEU economic stimulus packages and the Recovery and Resilience Facility are explicitly based on this provision. The critical point here is whether the economic stimulus packages are only aimed at overcoming the immediate consequences of Covid-19. Only if they remain limited to this exceptional case and comply with the narrow earmarking can they be based on the exceptional provision of Article 122 TFEU, which is to be interpreted narrowly in principle.

A system of “own resources“, which in this respect not only serves as a reconstruction programme but spills over into many other subject areas, would be difficult to reconcile with Article 122 TFEU. Germany, for example, plans to use 37% of the European Union's allocations for climate protection and 20% for digitisation (BT-Drucksache 19/27838). While the use of funds for digitisation can be directly related to the Corona emergency due to the lockdown consequences and the limited possibilities of direct contacts between people, this is not the case for the use of funds for climate protection. It is not apparent why by far the largest share of Corona aid should be spent on climate protection, which has no connection to the Corona pandemic. On the contrary, if the pandemic has any "positive" effects, they have to do with the world climate. Of course, investments in climate protection can also create jobs. But it is doubtful whether this is still sufficiently directly related to combating the Corona consequences. For this reason alone, the GCC will also take a very close look at the earmarking of the European Union's Own Resources Decision. Here, the constitutional complaint has a realistic chance of success.

Second Problem: Violation of the prohibition of mutual liability?

Moreover, a violation of Article 310 and Article 125 TFEU by the Own Resources Decision and the legal acts implementing the NextGenerationEU reconstruction fund is not unlikely. From these norms follows the Union principle that the Member States act autonomously in their fiscal policy and must not mutually assume responsibility for their respective liabilities. Article 125 (1) TFEU contains the so-called "no bailout clause" in this respect. According to this, financial equalisation between the Member States is prohibited in Union law. Neither is the Union liable for the liabilities of Member States nor are Member States liable for the liabilities of other Member States.

The possible liability volume and the liability period are very critical here. Due to the long duration of the loans, future federal parliaments will be bound to the Own Resources Decision until 2058. No one will seriously assume that regular and recurring waves of crises will not occur in Europe until the last repayment instalment in 2058. New aid packages will also be put together in the next crises, as has always happened in the recent past. In this respect, the Own Resources Decision could mark the European Union's first step toward a fiscal union. The Corona emergency could be exploited to make a fiscal union inevitable through the normative power of the de facto. Instead of going down the path of amending the Treaties, the Member States and the EU seem to be attempting to form a fiscal union within the framework of budget planning.

The decisive question is whether Germany alone would be fully liable for 750 billion euros if necessary. If there are insufficient safeguards in the European Union's own resources system, a violation of Article 125 TFEU is inevitable. Finally, the lack of economic transparency in the procurement of funds is also problematic. Where and how will the European Union raise 750 billion euros in debt? Which institutions will provide the loans? Does the European Commission have a free hand in this?

A closer look at the Own Resources Decision can provide some answers, at least for the time being.

Article 9 (4) and (5) of the Own Resources Decision initially appear reassuring. It follows that if there are insufficient EU budgetary resources to repay the debt, the European Commission will first make up this financing shortfall by active treasury management and, if necessary, by recourse to short-term financing on the money market. Only if these possibilities are not sufficient can the Commission, as a last resort, require the Member States to make the shortfall provisionally available in proportion to their respective contribution to the EU budget. This proportionate interim financing seems to exclude, at least formally, liability according to the motto "one is liable for all".

The same pro rata provision of funds applies if a Member State cannot meet its share of the debt repayment. The defaulting Member State remains obliged to pay its financing share of the debt repayment. It can be concluded that this is not an assumption of liability in the true sense of the term, as funding from the remaining Member States is only temporary and not final. Legally, the defaulting Member State remains responsible and liable for its share of the financing and must pay it as soon as possible. It is a fact, however, that some Member States may not be able to make these payments.

However, Article 9 (6) of the Own Resources Decision reveals through several references (Article 6and Article 3 (1) and (2) the enormous extent of the liability risk for each member state. Currently, according to Article 3(1) of the Own Resources Decision, the total amount of “own resources“ available to the Union for annual appropriations for payments must not exceed 1.40% of the sum of the gross national income of all Member States. In the future, from 2028, according to Article 6, the annual “own resources“ ceiling will be raised by a further 0.6 percentage points until 2058. This may sound like little, but in reality, it is much more. This is confirmed by the following example calculation for Germany. According to the Federal Statistical Office (Destatis), the gross national income in Germany in 2020 was 3,427 billion euros. This would result in a liability sum for Germany of 0.6% of the gross national income with 20.5 billion euros (exemplary for the year 2020) per year. According to Art. 5, the borrowing of 750 billion euros is at 2018 prices and is subject to a fixed deflator of 2% per year. Therefore, a total debt of the European Union of up to €820 billion must be expected by 2026. With a repayment term of 31 years (from 2028 to 2058), the liability sum for a member state like Germany could amount to up to 770 billion euros in the worst case. This would effectively lead to a fiscal union.

Third Problem: Violation of the overall budgetary responsibility of the German Bundestag

However, even if the new Own Resources System of the European Union is in order under European law, the German Ratification Act must not violate the constitutional identity of the German Basic Law. Also European Union legal acts are to be reviewed against the standard of the Basic Law if this is indispensably required to monitor the preservation of Germany's constitutional identity, which is guaranteed by Article 23 (1) sentence 3 in conjunction with Article 79 (3) of the Basic Law. And here, too, the constitutional complaint likely has good prospects of success.

The GCC anchors the protection of the overall budgetary responsibility of the German Bundestag directly in Article 79 (3) of the Basic Law. The unalterable core area of the principle of democracy is violated if the German Bundestag is deprived of its parliamentary budgetary responsibility by a measure of the European Union to the extent that it or future federal parliaments can no longer exercise the budgetary right on their own responsibility. This also includes the prohibition to be jointly liable for the decisions of third parties with consequences that are difficult to calculate.

The question of the violation of the overall budgetary responsibility of the German Bundestag is strongly related to the second problem. Here, too, the question is whether Germany is exposed to incalculable liability risks. In the ESM ruling, the GCC had decided that the principle of democracy is only respected if the Bundestag remains the place where decisions on revenues and expenditures are made on its own responsibility. This decision also deals with international and European liabilities. In this ruling, the GCC had not assumed a violation of budgetary responsibility because the payment obligations assumed with the ESM Treaty did not exceed €190 billion, and liability beyond this was excluded by a joint declaration of the ESM members that was binding under international law.

Accordingly, one possible safeguard that the GCC could demand in the case of the Own Resources System ist he adoption of a protocol declaration that excludes the obligation to make additional contributions to repay the EU debt incurred under the Recovery and Resilience Facility.

An analysis of possible procedural scenarios

Starting point: Hanging decision

The decision of the GCC of March 26, 2021, is a so-called "hanging decision" (i.e., the decision only applies provisionally until the GCC has decided on the application for a temporary injunction). This is, therefore, "urgent preliminary legal protection " for particularly urgent cases where there is a threat of a fait accompli up until a decision is made on the urgent application. However, this also means that the decision of March 26, 2021, has not even been the penultimate word in this matter. The decisions on the preliminary legal protection and, in particular, on the merits of the case, are still pending. It will therefore take even longer for the court to decide on the constitutionality of the Own Resources Ratification Act.

So far, three things are still pending: (1) The statement of reasons for the hanging order. The GCC's order so far only states "The statement of reasons will be submitted later". (2) The preliminary legal decision on the urgent appeal. (3) The decision on the constitutional complaint on the merits.

First procedural problem: When will the statement of reasons be submitted?

We can only guess as to when the GCC will submit the reasons for its hanging decision. There have been no previous constitutional rulings on the matter. At the administrative court level, there have already been several hanging decisions. However, not much can be deduced from these that would apply to the constitutional summary proceedings. This is because these requirements do not apply without restriction to interim legal protection in constitutional complaint proceedings. In any case, it cannot be ruled out that the GCC will only submit its statement of reasons with the decision on the preliminary legal protection itself. 

Second procedural problem: Preliminary legal protection

In the meantime, the GCC will be able to clarify the open legal and factual questions concerning any safeguard mechanisms of the European Union's Own Resources System and how funds are raised, at least to the extent that a preliminary decision will be possible within the framework of a weighing of consequences. A preliminary injunction would be in effect for six months and could be renewed. The standard of review is different than in the main proceedings. It is about a weighing of consequences: "the consequences that would arise if the preliminary injunction were not issued but the application in the principal proceedings were successful must be balanced against the disadvantages that would arise if the preliminary injunction sought were issued but the application in the principal proceedings were unsuccessful". This also takes into account the public interest and the interests of third parties. Nonetheless, a preliminary injunction cannot be considered if principal proceedings are inadmissible or manifestly unfounded from the outset. The fact that the hanging decision was issued indicates that the emergency application has a chance of success and is not manifestly futile.

It will also be interesting to see how long it will take the court to issue a decision on preliminary legal protection. In the ESM proceedings, the GCC ruled on the interim injunction within three months after the oral hearing. Since the ESM proceedings also dealt with liability risks for the Federal Republic of Germany, it could be similar in this case. Likewise, a decision on the interim proceedings now pending could take just under three months.

Third procedural problem: Possible question for referral to the ECJ

The GCC will likely refer one or more questions to the ECJ. These would concern the substantive problems addressed above. Through the referral question, the GCC could persuade the ECJ to safeguard and contain the Own Resources Decision under European law.

In para. 118 of the PSPP judgment, the GCC stated the following: "Where an ultra vires review or an identity review raises questions regarding the validity or interpretation of a measure taken by institutions, bodies, offices and agencies of the European Union, the Federal Constitutional Court, in principle, bases its review on the understanding and the assessment of such a measure as put forward by the CJEU. However, this no longer applies where the interpretation of the Treaties is simply not comprehensible and thus objectively arbitrary (see paras. 112 and 113). "

This means that the GCC will generally accept the interpretation of the ECJ after a question of referral unless this is " simply not comprehensible ". The reason for this is the division of tasks between the courts. The ECJ is responsible for interpreting Union law, while the GCC interprets the GG (which, however, also includes Article 23 (1) sentence 2 in conjunction with Article 79 (3) in conjunction with Article 20 (1) and (2) of the Basic Law). This harsh choice of words is thus nothing other than a broad standard of review by the GCC. It serves to protect the ECJ's monopoly of interpretation of Union law.

Fourth procedural problem: Decision on the merits of the case

Two questions are then decisive for the likelihood of the decision on the merits: (1) Will the GCC refer the question to the ECJ? (2) If so, how will the ECJ answer the question?

If the GCC does not submit a question for referral to the ECJ, it is highly unlikely that there will be a further decision on the main case to the detriment of the Own Resources System. The reason for this is that since its Honeywell decision, the GCC has only interpreted the ultra vires control in a way that is friendly to European law, which includes a prior referral to the ECJ.

Should the GCC refer the matter to the ECJ, which seems likely, it will rely on its decision. The more convincing the justification of the interpretation of European law turns out to be and the sooner it limits the liability of the Member States, the less likely it is that the GCC will activate ultra vires review or identity review.

As a result, it is up to the ECJ to avoid an ultra vires decision or activation of identity control by providing a convincing answer and ensuring liability barriers. This is how interaction within the European constitutional court network functions. As long as the democratic feedback of the EU at least also happens via the Member States, an interplay between court actors of both levels (EU, Member States) is also necessary as a procedural safeguard.

 

Photo credit: Ronald Kunze, via Wikicommons Media


Thursday, 16 April 2020

A ‘new course’ of the Bundesverfassungsgericht in the context of constitutional complaints: the balancing of conflicting rights and the application of Union law




Lucia Serena Rossi, Judge at the Court of Justice of the European Union*

* The views included in this article are strictly personal and not attributable to the Court.
** The original version of this article (in Italian) ‘Il “nuovo corso” del Bundesverfassungsgeright nei ricorsi diretti di constituzionalità: bilanciamento fra diritti confliggenti e applicazione del diritto dell’Unione’ was published on Federalismi.it on 5 February 2020, ISSN 1826-3534.

Table of contents:
1. The complex ‘pluri-focal’ balancing between conflicting fundamental rights in the EU multilevel system.
2. The balancing in situations not entirely governed by Union law.
3. The balancing in situations wholly governed by Union law.
4. Not all those who wander are lost...


1.      The complex ‘pluri-focal’ balancing between conflicting fundamental rights in the EU multilevel system

On 6 November 2019 the first Senate of the German Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht, hereinafter, ‘First Senate’ or ‘BVerfG’) issued two important orders following  constitutional complaints (Verfassungsbeschwerden) concerning the right to be forgotten. The two pronouncements should be read jointly and one in the light of the other. They lay down a new theory of interaction between the systems of fundamental rights protection guaranteed, on the one hand, by the national constitutional order, and, on the other hand, by the order of the European Union. They also offer new guidance on the role of the relevant judiciaries, with specific reference to the BVerfG, in the control over the application of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (hereinafter, ‘Charter’ or ‘CFR’).

In the cases at hand, unlike the facts of the Taricco judgment of the Court of Justice (CJEU) or of the judgment 269/17 of the Italian Constitutional Court, the matters concern horizontal situations, requesting first of all to balance the rights of two individuals (i.e. an entity who indexes or disseminates information online, and an individual invoking the right to be forgotten, in the form of deindexing of information from Google). However, as we shall see, in these cases the act of balancing is particularly complex, because it must take into account the interests and rights not only of these two parties, but also of others, in particular, the freedom of expression of those who created the information and the interest of the public to receive information. In these instances, the balancing of the rights has a pluri-focal nature: Courts must in fact examine, in order to make a choice, a plurality of rights and interests, hierarchically equivalent in abstracto, within the same legal order.

The task of the judge is even more complex when this balancing should be conducted in a multi-level system of protection, such as the EU. Indeed, the interactions existing between Union law and the constitutional systems of the EU Member States significantly influence the activities of courts. What is at stake in these circumstances, and what makes such balancing highly complex, it is not a conflict between a Union law and a constitutional right, where, as established in the Melloni case, conflicts between Union law and national constitutional rights can be resolved using the parameters of primacy and harmonisation. Rather, the problem arises as to how to identify which of the various rights recognized and guaranteed by the EU and national systems (as well as by the ECHR) to different individuals should prevail.

By taking into account the values of the respective legal orders, judges pertaining to different systems could reach divergent interpretations of the ‘bundle’ of rights at stake. As a result, ‘conflicts of balancing’ may arise, and the same right could be applied differently under national or Union law. The complexity of the interplay between legal orders therefore requires a coordination of the relevant systems of protection.

The two German constitutional orders introduce a sort of actio finium regundorum, both regarding the competent judge and the applicable standards of protection - at least with reference to the constitutional complaint action. This article will summarise and analyse the theory outlined in these orders in the light of Union law.

2.      The balancing in situations not entirely governed by Union law

The first order concerned an individual who had committed a crime in 1981. Due to Google’s indexing, and following the online publication by the newspaper Der Spiegel’s archives, the name of the applicant was associated primarily with that crime on the internet. Invoking the right to be forgotten, and thus asking for the deindexing of that news from the research engine, the applicant challenged before the BVerfG the unfavourable judgment issued by the German Supreme Court (Bundesgerichthof).

The First Senate recalls that the so-called ‘media privilege’ is a matter which has not been completely determined (nicht vollständig determiniert) by Union law, notably, under Article 9 of directive 95/46 (the data protection Directive) and Article 85(2) of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). Both pieces of legislation explicitly grant deference to the Member States to provide exemptions or derogations ‘necessary to reconcile the right to privacy with the rules on freedom of expression’. These derogations would also apply in relation to the treatment of personal data that is carried out exclusively for journalistic purposes or for artistic or literary expression. The First Senate further recalls that, despite such balancing is mandated to the Member States by Union law, the Court of Justice held that the question of how to reconcile the fundamental right to privacy and the freedom of expression falls within the competence of the Member States.

The German Federal Court further states that, in the absence of complete guidance by Union law, the fact that fundamental rights protection systems may vary within the Member States constitutes a ‘structural principle’ (Strukturprinzip) of the European Union. Moreover, the First Senate suggests anchoring the aforementioned principle also to Article 53 of the Charter, which refers to the possibility of (inter alia) national constitutions giving a higher level of human rights protection than the Charter – within their scope of application. Reliance on this provision by the BVerfG would ensure, in line with the CJEU’s case law, that conflicts of fundamental rights may, in principle, be resolved on the basis of the respective fundamental rights protection systems of the Member States.

According to the First Senate, this interpretation of the division of competences between the EU and the Member States is confirmed both by the principle of subsidiarity, referred to in Article 51(1) CFR, the Preambles of the Treaty on European Union and of the same Charter, which both recognize the diversity of cultures and traditions of the Member States. The First Senate further states that the Union legislature, by adopting rules that regulate to different extents a subject-matter, also defines the framework for the application of the fundamental rights of the Member States ‘in a federal balance’ (in einer föderativen Balance). This framework is therefore based on politically responsible decisions, subject to full compliance with the principle of subsidiarity.

Consequently, in an area not entirely regulated by Union law, fundamental rights are mainly governed by the German Constitution, even when domestic law implements Union law. A twofold assumption may arise with regards to the conclusion of the First Senate: first, EU law is intended to leave discretion to Member States as to the protection of rights; second, the German protection regime is also supposed to fulfil the standard prescribed by Union law, as interpreted by the Court of Justice. Furthermore, both the Federal Constitution and Union law share the minimum standard offered by the ECHR. According to the First Senate, a further assessment of the adequacy of the protection based on Union law becomes necessary only when there are sufficient and specific indications that the level of protection ensured by the Grundgesetz (the German Basic Law) is insufficient.

The First Senate observes that, even if the fundamental rights provided for by the national Constitution must be interpreted in the light of the Charter of the Union, and both these instruments in the light of the ECHR, divergent interpretations may arise. Therefore, the choice of the prevailing standard must be sought case by case, also with reference to the context. In the absence of a complete guidance by Union law, although the German Constitution is, as a general rule, the only applicable standard, the First Senate recognizes that exceptions to this rule may arise. Exceptions to the applicability of the German Constitutions apply whenever Union law leaves a margin of discretion to national systems and provides, beyond a substantial consonance (substantielle Gleichklang), higher standards.

The First Senate seems nevertheless to limit the scope of the Charter, and, in particular, the relationship between the latter and secondary Union law. It acknowledges that the Charter contributes to reconcile the different visions that Member States have in relation to fundamental rights, in due consideration of the historical and social context of each of them. According to the judgment, it is also evident, however, that the Charter does not intend - and cannot - totally uniform either national protection systems or the balancing between conflicting rights. Therefore, any indications that Union laws, while leaving some discretion to States, require higher protection standards than the national ones, shall result explicitly from the wording and the context of these rules. The general obligation that Union acts should respect the Charter of Fundamental Rights would thus not be in itself sufficient to establish more rigorous standards than the national ones.

One may wonder if this dictum involves an inversion of the ‘Solange theorem’, according to which it must be assumed that national law meets the minimum standard – and, therefore, respects EU law primacy – so long as the national level of protection is proved to be adequate under Union law standards. The German Court acknowledges that the presumption of the suitability of the Grundgesetz to ensure the level of protection provided by the Charter is a presumption iuris tantum, which can be reversed if the Court of Justice claims that the national standard is insufficient for ensuring the protection required by Union law. However, the BVerfG highlights that it will refer to the Court of Justice (exclusively) in case of doubts relating to the standard prescribed by the Union; where, instead, it considers that such doubts do not exist, it will proceed directly to incorporate the Union standard into the national ones and to apply it.

In addition, the First Senate specifies that it does not wish to question the direct effects of the Charter when applicable pursuant to Article 51 thereof. The Court further explains that German ordinary judges remain entitled to directly apply the Charter, or refer to the CJEU for its interpretation, although they are also required to apply the Grundsgesetz whenever Union law leaves the Members States a margin of discretion. This statement seems to safeguard the Max-Planck jurisprudence (discussed here), according to which some provisions of the Charter (yet, not directives) may have horizontal direct effects. 

In the theory formulated by the German Constitutional Court, the room for manoeuvre left to the national standards depends, in inverse proportion, on the degree of harmonisation of the standards that Union rules (be they regulations or directives) specifically aim to guarantee. The German Court nevertheless is respectful of the dynamic nature of the harmonisation process carried out by the European Union and, consequently, of the expansion of the scope of the Charter of Fundamental Rights.

In the light of these considerations, the German Constitutional Court notes that in the case at hand only the national constitutional parameter applies, given that, as regards the so-called media privilege, Directive 95/46 and the GDPR expressly leave a margin of discretion to the Member States.

The First Senate subsequently proceeds to balance the various rights in conflict. It observes that the right to be forgotten, falling within the rights of the personality, does not result in a total ‘informational self-determination’ (informationelle Selbstbestimmung), that is an exclusive right to decide what should be removed from the Internet. Such self-determination would conflict with rights of other people and therefore ‘horizontal’ indirect effects must be assessed. In the case at hand, even if the freedom of expression and of the press appears to carry less weight, as the case involved simple online dissemination of content, it is still necessary to consider the interest of the public to receive information. 

On the one hand, the Federal Court states that the right to informative self-determination must be distinguished from general personal rights. While individuals should have the right to influence the context and the way in which their data are made accessible and used by others, they do not enjoy an unrestricted right to filter publicly available information on the basis of their choices and ideologies, nor they can limit that information to aspects of their personal image that they consider appropriate.

On the other hand, the First Senate notes that the profiling of an individual resulting from the indexing of Internet content related to him is liable to portrait that individual. In particular, such profiling influences the way that individual interacts in the context of his social relationships. Specifically, everyone has the right to change and evolve, without being continually associated with the mistakes he made in the past. (The BVerfG cites the judgments of the Court of Justice in this regard of 13 May 2014, Google Spain and Google, C-131/12, EU: C: 2014: 317, para 98 – discussed here – and of 9 March 2017, Manni, C-398/15, EU: C: 2017: 197, para 77.) In this regard, it also underlines the importance of some factors, which must be considered on a case by case basis and whose importance has been stressed also in the CJEU’s case law, such as the length of time elapsed between the events and data reported in the news and the deindexing request, or the fact that the information had been legally disclosed or not. It is the view of the Court that the law must prevent that past views, statements and actions are made available to the public without any restrictions.

To deal with these conflicting objectives, the First Senate states that it is necessary, on the one hand, to ensure access to data by the public, and, on the other hand, to limit the harmful effects on the concerned person's public image. The Court thus concludes that the challenged judgment did not adequately balance all the outlined factors, and upholds the constitutional complaint.

3.      The balancing in situations wholly governed by Union law

The second order involved a judgment of the Court of Appeal (Oberlandsgericht) of Celle refusing to impose a deindexing obligation on Google in relation to the transcription of a television interview. The request of deindexing was submitted by the interviewee, who had been accused of unfair employment practices. That interview had been broadcast online. Unlike the case examined above, the matter falls entirely within the scope of the directive 95/46 and GDPR, which have completely unified the matter of the right to be forgotten (vollständig vereinheitlicht). (As to Directive 95/46, the right to erasure of personal data (so-called right to be forgotten) can be inferred from the combined provisions of articles 12(b) and 14(1)(a) as interpreted by the Court of Justice with the judgment of 13 May 2014, Google Spain and Google, C-131/12, EU: C: 2014: 317; in the case of the GDPR, however, the right to be forgotten is expressly provided for in Article 17, which codifies the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice.) Furthermore, the exceptions provided for the media privilege by Article 9 of the directive are not applicable. Therefore, Member States have no margin of discretion in this respect.

The First Senate holds that, since the matter is regulated exhaustively by Union law, having introduced a complete standardisation of the laws of the Member States, the Union system of protection of rights enjoys a ‘primacy in the application’ (Anwendungsvorrang) compared to the German Constitution.

The Court provides a twofold clarification in this regard. On the one hand, the primacy of Union law derives from the transfer of sovereign powers from the Member States to the European Union. Thus, in the presence of a Union discipline of a certain subject, also the protection of fundamental rights must follow European uniform standards, as deriving from Union law - in particular from the Charter - and from the ECHR, constituting the common minimum basis of protection of fundamental rights in the EU. On the other hand, nevertheless, the First Senate recalls that the recognition of Union law primacy is subject to the condition that the protection guaranteed thereunder is sufficiently effective, although according to the consolidated jurisprudence of the same BVerfG, the Union standards are presumed to equate those of the Grundgesetz. (Since the judgment of 22 October 1986 - 2 BVR 197/83 (so-called Solange II), the BVerfG has ackowledged the primacy of EU law - and therefore the inadmissibility of a constitutional complaint brought against an act adopted by the Community - so long as the protection of fundamental rights at European level has been adequate. In the subsequent case law, starting from the judgment of 12 October 1993 - 2 BvR 2134, 2159/92, on the Treaty of Maastricht, the BVerfG has identified two instruments by which to ascertain this adequacy: the so-called identity review and the ultra vires reviews, both based on Article 79, par. 3 GG and exercised in accordance with the principle of openness to EU law (Europarechtsfreundlichkeit). This case law enables the BVerfG to verify whether the EU acts have been adopted in manifest and structural violation of the limits to Union jurisdiction deriving from the principle of attribution or whether they violate the essential core of the national constitutional identity; for a summary of these principles, see the ordinance of 24 January 2014 - 2 BvR 2728/13, paras 22-30.)

As long as the fundamental rights of the German constitution are replaced by the ‘primacy of the application’ of Union law, the Federal Constitutional Court controls the application of Union rights by German authorities, in the light of the ECJ case law and Charter of Fundamental rights. In an unexpected and explicit way, the First Senate thus affirms its competence to carry such balancing itself, checking that the national authorities respect Union fundamental rights when enforcing Union law.

The ‘new course’ of the fundamental rights’ protection system in Germany is more evident in this order than in the other one. In its previous jurisprudence, the BVerfG had never chosen to apply Union parameters directly, leaving that task to the German ordinary judges who cooperated with the Court of Justice through the instrument of preliminary ruling procedure. The main novelty introduced by the second order is that the Federal Court will no more refrain from exerting its full scrutiny in the assessment of the compliance by national authorities and courts with Union fundamental rights in areas fully regulated under Union law. This assessment will be carried in full collaboration with the Court of Justice pursuant to Article 267(3) TFEU. The ground of this new reasoning is that Article 23(1) of the German Constitution and the ‘principle of openness’ established therein must not be interpreted as imposing negative obligations, thus exempting the German Federal Court from any checks on matters whose jurisdiction has been transferred to the Union. Instead, that principle should be read as attributing, in a positive sense, ‘responsibility for integration’ to all bodies of the German state, including the BVerfG, when it comes to the implementation and development of the Union integration process. In this way, the fundamental rights of the Union are incorporated among the judicial tools that the Federal Court applies in the Verfassungsbeschwerden.

Yet, the ‘new course’ seems strictly limited to direct actions of constitutional review: Through this new interpretation, the Court claims to be able to fill the judicial protection gap resulting from the absence of individual direct actions before EU Courts regarding the application of the Union fundamental right. According to the First Senate, this lacuna would not be sufficiently filled by the possibility that ordinary judges submit preliminary ruling requests to CJEU. Consequently, the only appropriate remedy is to extend the Verfassungsbeschwerde to the application of Union fundamental rights.

The Federal Court acknowledges, remarkably, that it will use the parameters laid down in the Charter in close cooperation with the Court of Justice. That Court has in fact the ‘last word’ (letztverbindliche Auslegung) on the interpretation of Union law in accordance with Article 19 TEU and 267 TFEU. The interpretative monopoly of the CJEU over EU law also includes the interpretation of Charter rights and the development of the principles necessary for their application, without prejudice for the obligation of national judges of last instance to refer questions to the CJEU, as required by the CILFIT doctrine.

The First Senate specifies that it will itself use the instrument of the preliminary reference when the matter has not already been clarified by the CJEU, or if the principles of interpretation to be applied are not evident - for example on the basis of the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, which also determines the content of the Charter in individual cases pursuant to Article 52(3) CFR.

The First Senate further recognizes that although the protection of the fundamental rights of the Grundgesetz and that of the Charter can often coincide and the principles of interpretation can be transferred from a system to another, caution is needed in the context of such interpretative activities so as not to affect the unity of EU law. In principle, in these cases the interpretation of the BVerfG must be based directly on the fundamental rights of the Charter itself and the jurisprudence of the CJEU, which is linked to the understanding of fundamental rights in the Member States of the Union as a whole. In particular, it is for the Court of Justice to interpret the fundamental rights of the Union pursuant to article 267(3) TFEU while the German Constitutional Court acts as a judge of last instance when deciding a Verfassungsbeschwerde.

Interestingly, in the case at hand the First Senate concludes that it is not necessary to refer to the CJEU: the Court claims that no questions requiring a new interpretation of the ECJ, or whose solution could not be traced in the existing CJEU’s case law read in the light of that of the Strasbourg Court (The Strasbourg Court’s case law constitutes an additional source of interpretation of the Charter pursuant to Article 52(3) CFR), arise. Moreover, it is not necessary to ask whether the ordinary judge, if acting at last instance, is required to submit a reference to Luxembourg, since the Oberlandsgericht is not a judge of last resort. Finally, the first Senate claims to be able to decide itself without having to refer the matter to the plenum of the Constitutional Court, as it does not carry out any revirement of Solange II jurisprudence. While the latter ruling raised problems of compliance of Union rules with the German Constitution, the present case is different in that it concerns the application of fundamental rights of the European Union under a fully harmonised legal framework.

The First Senate states that its task is, in the present case, not to check the correct application of the directive, but rather to verify whether the judgment under appeal correctly struck the balance among the different rights involved. Therefore, using the parameter of the Charter of fundamental rights of the Union, the BVerfG directly assesses the application of Union law by national authorities. In the light of these considerations, the Court considers the action admissible, but unfounded.

For this purpose, the First Senate reformulates the constitutional complaint’s subject: although the applicant referred only to the German Constitution, he in fact complained about the violation of his rights to respect for private and family life and confidentiality, as stemming from the articles 7 and 8 of the Charter. Taking into account these latter provisions, the Court finds that the contested judgment is not manifestly invalid, since it had correctly assessed all the interests involved and their interplay. The First Senate points out that the present case is different from the one examined by the CJEU in Google Spain, and that it cannot be assumed that the right to privacy should automatically prevail over other conflicting rights, such as freedom of expression: all these rights must instead be placed on an equal footing. In evaluating the various interests, the German Court considers different CJEU judgments and expressly cites them. The First Senate essentially embraces the defensive arguments raised by Google according to which, in the present case, particular attention should be paid to the fact that the processing of personal data is included in television communications, the fact that the complainant's private life was not affected, since this news concerned his professional life, and that there was in any event a general interest for that information to be shared with the public.

First of all, Google’s freedoms to conduct business, laid down in Article 16 of the Charter, and of expression, protected under Article 11 Charter, are not in themselves prevalent over the applicant’s privacy right. However, third parties’ rights must also be balanced, notably, against the general interest of the public to be informed and the freedom of expression of the broadcaster. As a result, the deindexing requested by the applicant would result in a restriction of the dissemination of an online publication.

In addition, the balancing must be carried out by not giving the individual the right to decide what information concerning him can be disseminated online, but by evaluating in concreto the possible damages to the right to free self-determination caused by the diffusion of certain information. This assessment should consider different factors. In this regard, the Oberlandsgericht erred in assessing that the issue concerned only the social life of the applicant. Given the ease of finding information on the Internet, it indeed becomes difficult to trace the limits between threats to the social sphere and those to the private sphere. Nonetheless, the Oberlandsgericht had correctly assessed, first of all, the influence of elapsed time between the events and the deindexing request, as prescribed by Article 17 of the GDPR; secondly, the fact that the information transmitted did not amount to slander, but was based on true factual data; thirdly, the fact that the information concerned not the applicant's private life, but his role as employer; and, finally, that the interview had been granted voluntarily. Therefore, according to the First Senate, the contested judgment did not fail to assure sufficient effectiveness to the Charter, nor was it based on an incorrect understanding of the meaning and scope of the rights provided thereunder.

4.      Not all those who wander are lost…

The orders discussed above raise some questions about the compatibility of the ‘new course’ concerning the protection of fundamental rights with Union law.

First, one might wonder whether the fact that the Constitutional Court itself decides the case, without referring the case back to the national lower courts, may risk creating a short circuit in the relationship between legal systems and violating the principle of loyal cooperation, protected by Article 4(3) TEU. This concern involves especially the outcome of the first order of the Bundesgerichthof, which, as a judge of last instance, could have (and should have) applied to the CJEU in case of doubt under Article 267(3) TFEU. Yet, if this new course is limited, as it might appear from the analysis of the two orders, to only the direct actions of constitutional review in the field of fundamental rights (Verfassungsbeschwerden, provided under Article 93(1), no 4(a) of the Grundgesetz), those concerns are unfounded. The national judge could indeed still have referred the matter to the CJEU before issuing its judgment, and, therefore, prior to the BVerfG’s decision on the direct action. If the issue arises before a judge of last instance, the duty to refer to the CJEU would have applied in accordance with Article 267(3) TFEU, within the limits of the CILFIT doctrine.

An essential element making this ‘new course’ compatible with Union law is that BVerfG states that the powers of national courts to refer to the Court of Justice are not questioned. Indeed, the BVerfG itself will dialogue with the CJEU when applying the Charter of fundamental rights of the Union. Judges of last instance can therefore submit any interpretative question to the CJEU, even in the absence of direct action of constitutional review, on which also the BVerfG could refer under Article 267 TFEU. 

This approach does not entail any limitation to the powers of national judges to refer to CJEU. The two orders of the Federal Court lead to a different outcome from the judgment no. 269 of 2017 of the Italian Constitutional Court, which seemed to suggest a constraint on the power of national judges to make preliminary ruling requests. However, this reading of the Italian Constitutional Court has later been denied by the Court itself in subsequent judgments.

It is nevertheless clear that, if the jurisprudence of the Federal Court evolved in such a way as to expand its role beyond the Verfassungsbeschwerden to the detriment of the application of Article 267(3) TFEU by ordinary judges, the same criticisms raised in relation to the Italian Constitutional Court judgment n. 267/2017 would apply. Such a jurisprudential development would be in breach of the well-established case law of the Court of Justice since the Simmenthal case. It is evident that the caselaw of these Constitutional Courts expresses a shared desire for a more active and direct role for those courts in the application of fundamental rights. Although they seem eager to play a greater role, it may be affirmed that none of these Courts seem to intend to undermine the preliminary reference system.

However, there is another important element which must be taken into account when assessing the compatibility of the ‘new course’ with Union law, that is the distinction (not easy to identify) between interpretation and application of Union law.

It must be considered that, the Treaties established through the mechanism of the preliminary reference a true monopoly on the interpretation of EU law of the Court of Justice. Such monopoly is necessary to guarantee the uniform application of European Union legal rules and the equality of the Union’s citizens and Member States before Union law. This monopoly does not affect the fact that it is for the national judges to decide, on a case-by-case basis, the application of European Union standards and principles developed by the Luxembourg jurisprudence. Under this classification, one could argue that the second order issued by the First Senate is only apparently divergent from the Google Spain judgment, as it is the result of an application of EU law. The subsequent question arises as to what parameters should be used to assess whether an application of EU law by national courts reflects the interpretation provided by the Court of Justice. This would be a matter for the Luxembourg Court to adjudicate, due to its monopoly on the interpretation of EU law. National judgments should even disapply national law conflicting with European rules having direct effects. Moreover, the Court of Luxembourg is increasingly urging national courts to find themselves the concrete solution to cases and applying EU law in light of the characteristics of the litigation pending before them.

In this regard, with the aim to draw a map of the duties of the various judges of the multilevel system, it can be noted that the concept of full harmonisation used by the BVerfG does not always lend itself to being coordinated with that of direct effects, which Court of Justice (see, again, the Popławski II judgment) reiterated as constituting the precondition for the national judge's power / duty to disapply the national rule in conflict with that of the EU, when no consistent interpretation of national law in the light of EU law can be reached.

As a result of this judicial ‘ménage-à-trois’, the task that the BVerfG arrogates for itself is that of controlling, through the instrument of direct action of constitutional review, that the German courts comply with the application of fundamental rights in the light of the following principles. For the purpose of this control, national ordinary judges should use the Constitutional parameter if the matter is not completely governed by Union law, and that of the Charter of Fundamental Rights in case a complete discipline has been adopted at European Union level. As to the balancing between fundamental rights, the direct action of constitutional review is a further guarantee for individuals in addition – and with no limitation – to the powers of the ordinary judges and the procedure envisaged at article 267 TFEU.

This reading is certainly acceptable under Union law, but there are some crucial aspects to it worthy of further analysis.

The first one concerns the concept of "full coverage", which has a significant importance in the reconstruction of the BVerfG to define the parameters of the balancing between the various colliding rights.

Firstly, it should be noted that, in case of doubt, only the Court of Justice, and not a Constitutional Court, can define the degree of coverage, whether exhaustive or not, entailed by Union law. Also the margin of discretion, which remains (or not) to the Member States and the national courts should be defined by the Court of Justice.

It is indeed the Court of Justice itself which recognises, in its case-law, the impact of the degree of harmonisation of a matter by EU law on the possibility for Member States to invoke national standards for the protection of rights: if EU law harmonised these standards, Member States are barred from invoking their own, even if they are higher than the harmonised ones, and therefore, proposing their own autonomous balancing in the event of any conflicts between fundamental rights. In the absence of harmonisation, however, national authorities and judges remain free to apply national standards for the protection of fundamental rights (and therefore to balance these rights), provided that the level of protection provided for by the Charter is not compromised.

In case this caveat was not followed, the ‘new course’ of the BVerfG would lead to a paradoxical consequence, by reserving to the national judge – and to the non-consistent application – a very delicate question of division of competences between the EU and the Member States.

In addition, the concept on which the two orders offered prevalence to the application of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, instead of the Constitutional standards, should not be understood as "harmonisation" in a technical sense, but rather as regulatory "coverage" or "discipline". Moreover, contrary to the press releases in English, the two orders do use not the term "harmonisation" (Harmonisierung) in the original text, but (nicht) vollständig determiniert (in the first order) and vollständig vereinheitlicht werden (in the second order). The two expressions do not coincide: the first one, usually used by the BVerG in connection with Union law, indicates that a matter is fully determined, while the second one implies a real unification. One could actually wonder if the use of two different terms in the context of two orders, that prescribe the application, in the first case, of the constitutional parameter, and, in the second, of the Charter of fundamental rights, is either random or voluntary. In this latter hypothesis, the issue arises as to whether the BVerG intended to make a distinction also with regard to the scope of the Charter.

Beyond this doubt, the fact that there is no mention of harmonisation is important for three reasons. First of all, it should be recalled that the Charter also applies with reference to fundamental freedoms and other provisions of the Treaty on European Union (a peculiar case of applicability of the Charter in conjunction with the provisions of the Treaty could be represented by the principle of non-discrimination on the basis of nationality, pursuant to Article 18 TFEU and Article 21(1) of the Charter; the applicability of the first provision, in fact, precisely presupposes that the situation falls within the scope of EU law but is not governed by specific prohibitions of discrimination on the basis of nationality provided for by other primary or secondary legislation, such as example the provisions on fundamental freedoms; see, for a reconstruction of the case law of the Court on the matter, the judgment of 18 June 2019, Austria / Germany, C-591/17, EU: C: 2019: 504, paragraphs 37-41), for which it would be inappropriate to discuss in terms of harmonisation. (Even before the recognition of the binding legal value of the Charter with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the CJEU had faced similar problems in the judgments of 12 June 2003, Schmidberger, C-112/00, EU: C: 2003: 333 and of October 14, 2004, Omega, C-36/02, EU: C: 2004: 614.)

Furthermore, strictly speaking, harmonisation is expressly excluded from the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU in a large number of subjects, on which EU competences yet exist. In particular, the TFEU excludes harmonisation in the fight against discrimination (Article 19), in the integration of third-country nationals legally residing in the EU (Article 79), in crime prevention (Article 84), in the incentive to employment (Article 149), in support competences, such as sport (Article 165), culture (Article 166), public health (Article 168) tourism (Article 195), civil protection (Article 196), administrative cooperation (Article 197), in the common commercial policy (Article 207), and, finally, in the general residual clause on implicit powers (Article 352).

Finally, the more or less complete "coverage" by law of the Union can derive not only from harmonisation, in a technical sense, but also from interpretation that the CJEU has given to existing rules. Even if an act of the Union does not fully harmonise a matter, it should be still applied in the light of the interpretation - which sometimes leads to creative interpretative outcomes – of the CJEU.

If it is true that, as the BVerfG states, the Charter itself cannot harmonise Union law – and, indeed, it could hardly find application in connection with a subject matter that is not, at least in part, governed by Union law (see judgment in TSN and AKT) – it can nevertheless be used by the CJEU as an interpretative tool to fill any potential gaps in a Union act, as a source of general principles (in line with Article 6 TEU). This is what happened, for example, in the Max-Planck judgment, in which the direct effects of a provision of the Charter have overcome the lack of horizontal effects of a directive. In this regard, however, the BVerfG must be praised for having expressed its intention not to question the direct effects of the Charter.

The second complex issue concerns the nature of the balancing and the delimitation of the concept of ‘application’ of European Union law. As mentioned above, in situations similar to those considered by the analysed orders, the matter is not the application of Union acts and rights stemming therefrom in a vertical relationship between the individual and the public authority, but the balancing between conflicting rights of different individuals. The question thus arises: is this balancing an act of application or interpretation?

The boundary is subtle: to the extent that the solution depends on the facts of the litigation, it is an application. However, whenever the issue concerns the content of certain rights, their absolute or relative nature, or even their respective hierarchy (this is the case, for example, for dignity, hierarchically superior, or for the right to property, hierarchically lower), this would undoubtedly be an interpretation question. Different judges would be called to solve cases of interpretation or application of Union law (and rights).

On the one hand, in principle, the task of applying the fundamental rights provided for by EU law and the possible balancing between them when they conflict with each other must be attributed to the national courts, leading to varying solutions for different cases and in the various legal systems of the Member States. On the other hand, however, it would not be legitimate for the scope and value of those rights, as well as any priority criteria among them - which can be inferred from the Charter, or from EU law - to be subject to assessments different from the national courts, even constitutional, subtracting them from the uniform interpretation of the Court of Justice. Finally, it should be noted that, as an exception (though not rare), situations may arise in which the classification of the facts of the case itself becomes an interpretative question of EU law. In these circumstances, different legal solutions can be provided to solve that issue, the Court of Justice being the competent court.

Overall, it must be observed that the two orders examined in this article take due account of the substantial case law of the CJEU on Directive 95/46 and GDPR and apply the criteria developed by it thereunder. As for the right to be forgotten, it is in fact preferable that the balance between the various rights, which following Google Spain seemed entrusted to the operator of the website, is carried out by the national judge under the control of the Constitutional Court.

The third crucial issue concerns the role that the ECHR and the relevant jurisprudence play in this theoretical construction. The fact that, pursuant to Articles 52(3) and 53 CFR, the ECHR can be an interpretative tool and a minimum standard with respect to the Charter, or a source of general principles of law (as can be inferred from Article 6 TEU) could prove to be of little help when it comes to balancing various rights, especially if Strasbourg and Luxembourg come to different configurations of this balancing. The BVerfG qualifies the ECHR as an additional source, but in the first order it seems to argue that it will not be necessary to refer to the CJEU when no doubts about the adequacy of the parameters of the German Constitution raise, because of their compliance with the ECHR standards. It is certain that the BVerfG also specifies that the standards developed by the CJEU are incorporated into the German Constitution. However, it should be clarified that, in the event of a divergent balancing struck in the jurisprudence of the two supranational courts, that of Luxembourg must prevail and compliance with the parameters of the ECHR does not necessarily equates to compliance with those of the Charter. In other words, the ECHR case law could not be used as an alibi to circumvent the CJEU's interpretative monopoly on Union law.

In a logic of loyal cooperation, the overall structure of judicial dialogue inaugurated by the two orders examined in this article in the field of constitutional complaints before the BVerfG should be understood as follows. In the event of incomplete regulatory coverage of the case by EU rules, if the balancing is to be done in the light of the parameters of the German Constitution – a duty to be carried out by the BVerfG – the CJEU is responsible to define the existence and the degree of coverage of the discipline dictated by EU law and, therefore, the residual margin of discretion left to the Member States. Instead, in the case of full regulatory coverage by EU law, the CJEU will interpret the EU rules exclusively, defining not only the scope but also the meaning. In parallel, the BVerfG will supervise in the context of constitutional complaints the respect and balancing of fundamental rights offered by ordinary judges in the application of Union rules, without prejudice to the powers of the ordinary German judges to make the preliminary reference to the CJEU.

Ultimately, the ‘new course’ of the German Constitutional Court does not seem to deviate from a consolidated logic of cooperation with the CJEU, nor, subject to the caveat outlined above, does it seem to call into question the logic of the preliminary ruling of Article 267(3) TFEU. The loyal cooperation imposed on constitutional judges under Article 4(3) TEU as well as the principle of openness to Union law, enshrined in Article 23(1) of the Grundgesetz, however, require the Federal Court to respect the limits drawn in the two orders on the right to be forgotten.

A critical problem, on which reflections and exchanges between the Court of Justice and the judges of the Member States become increasingly needed, is how determine who is responsible for striking the balancing of rights within the scope of EU law.

With regard to the nature and scope of the individual rights affirmed by the Charter - also with reference to the balancing between them - the answer seems to depend, firstly, on whether the balancing has a general and abstract nature, or instead concrete and linked to the particularities of the case, and, secondly, on whether an interpretation of EU law is required. If doubts arise about these alternatives, the clarification should be requested to the Court of Justice, pursuant to Article 267(3) TFEU.

Barnard & Peers: chapter 9
Photo credit: Gunter Josef Radig, via Wikicommons