Showing posts with label asylum procedures. Show all posts
Showing posts with label asylum procedures. Show all posts

Monday, 1 September 2025

The judgment of the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union on the Italy-Albania Protocol

 


 

 

Matteo Zamboni (human rights lawyer working between Italy and the UK. He is a partner to the Immigration Law and Policy clinic of Goldsmiths, University of London)

Photo credit: Shëngjin Port in Albania, the location of one of the two detention centres built by Italy © Albinfo, CC BY 4.0 via Wikimedia Commons


 

Introduction

 

On 1 August 2025, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) published its judgment in joined cases C-758 and 759/24 (Alace and Canpelli) regarding the Italy-Albania Protocol, and more specifically the designation of safe countries of origin under Article 37 of EU Directive 2013/32 (the currently applicable asylum procedures Directive). In previous blogs on the public hearing of 25 February 2025 and the opinion of the Advocate General (AG) of 10 April 2025, I gave some information on the context of the case and its high political stakes at Italian and European level. Indeed, the plan is not only critical to the political capital of the Italian government but also admired by foreign heads of government, including the UK Prime Minister, and taken as an example (or a ‘general rehearsal’) by the President of the EU Commission.

 

On this latter point, it is probably worth repeating that, while the present case was pending before the CJEU, the EU Commission:

 

-          changed its position on whether, under Directive 2013/32, Member States have the power to designate a country as a ‘safe’ country of origin with the exclusion of ‘clearly identifiable categories of persons’, by first denying this possibility in its written pleadings of (where it was argued that ‘Directive 2013/32 does not allow for the designation of a third country as a safe country of origin where a significant number of persons belonging to the same category are systematically persecuted or face a risk of suffering serious harm […]’) and then admitting in the oral arguments made at the hearing (to the surprise of the President of the Grand Chamber);

-          adopted a proposal on the idea of “return hubs” located outside the European Union, with a move that mirrors the legislative amendment enacted by the Italian government while awaiting the decision of the Grand Chamber (with decree-law no 37 of 28 March 2025) to use one of the two centres built in Albania (the one in Gjader) as a return hub to detain individuals whose claims to international protection had been rejected and who are awaiting deportation; and

-          published a proposal for amendments to Regulation 2024/1348 (the asylum procedures Regulation, applicable from June 2026) which would, among other things: (i) create a European Union-level list of ‘safe countries of origin’, including Bangladesh, the country of origin of the real individuals behind the fictitious names of Alace and Canpelli; (ii) bring forward the possibility, for Member States, to apply the new provisions allowing to designate a country of origin as ‘safe’ in spite of the existence of ‘specific regions’ and/or ‘clearly identifiable categories of individuals’ for which the country is, in fact, not safe.

 

The extreme salience and significance of the case is equally witnessed by the intervention of 16 Member States that, like the Commission, endorsed the position of the Italian Government. It is no surprise, then, that the news that the judgment of the Grand Chamber granted all of the arguments made by the defence on behalf of the asylum seekers concerned was met by a strong reaction in the media and from the Government. As a matter of fact, in a long tweet posted on the day of the judgment, the Italian President of the Council of Ministers, Giorgia Meloni, accused the Court of Justice to ‘claim[…] powers that do not belong to it’ by ‘decid[ing] to delegate to any national judge the decision not on individual cases, but on the part of migration policy relating to the repatriation and expulsion of illegal immigrants’.

 

The tweet (which is very long and available here) betrays the disappointment for the considerable difficulties and drawbacks in the enforcement of the scheme. As denounced by the Italian watchdog for the region of Lazio, who visited the centres on 30 July 2025 with his counterpart for the city of Rome, just before the judgment, the centres accommodated an ‘extremely limited number of people’ (27) which could easily be detained in the available places in the Italian structure. Against this background, one could think that the CJEU judgment would mark the end of the scheme; but this would probably be too optimistic. In fact, the CJEU did neither ban the conduct of asylum procedures in Albania, nor delved deep into the many human rights concerns inherent in the extra-territorial processing of asylum claims, which have been already highlighted in the legal literature, and to some extent already referred to the CJEU for further consideration with an order of the Italian Court of Cassation of 29 May 2025-20 June 2025 (no 23105).

 

So, while this ruling is certainly ‘another blow to a key aspect of the Italian government's migration policy’, it will most likely not be the final one. Instead, as reported in the press, from the day following Meloni’s reaction on Twitter some of her ministers are already changing their tune, saying that the CJEU judgment is actually good, because it explains to the Italian government the changes to be enacted to (finally!) activate the centres in Albania.

 

Summary of the judgment

 

The judgment focusses on the designation of safe countries of origin (SCOs), which, as explained by Judge Jürimäe, bears far-reaching consequences for asylum seekers. It triggers the application of the accelerated examination procedure and the operation of the (rebuttable) presumption that no protection is needed. The question for the Grand Chamber of the CJEU, then, was which national authority has the final say over the designation of a country as ‘safe’ under Article 37 of Directive 2013/32 and whether a country can be considered as ‘safe’ in spite of the existence of exceptions for vulnerable categories. These questions are interesting from the point of view of EU law, since, as it has been noted, the CJEU has dealt with the issue only in one prior case; i.e., the judgment of 4 October 2024 in case C-406/22 (CV), regarding the designation of a country as ‘safe’ despite the existence of territorial exception (more specifically, the case was concerned with the designation of Moldova as a SCO by the Czech Republic with the exception of the region of Transnistria). Therefore, from a general perspective, a new (and clarificatory) intervention from the Luxembourg judges was much needed.

 

However, in the specific circumstances of the Italy-Albania Protocol, the question is even more critical, as it is precisely the designation of the country of origin of an asylum seeker as ‘safe’ that allows the deportation to the centres in Shengjin and Gjader  - and ultimately the operation of the whole scheme.

 

Under the applicable legislation (the Protocol of 6 November 2023, as integrated by the Standard Operation Procedures of the Ministry of the Interior, and the ratification law no 14 of 21 February 2024), prior to the amendments enacted by decree-law no 37 of 28 March 2025, passed into law no 75 of 3 May 2025, the requirements for deportation and detention into the centres in Albania were:

 

-          the fact that a ‘migrant’, as defined by Article 1(d) of the Protocol, is intercepted by the Italian navy on the high sea (see Article 4(4) of the Protocol; paras 4-6 of the SOPs; Article 3 (2) of law no. 14/2024, which makes explicit reference to ‘persons taken aboard Italian authority vessels outside the territorial waters of the Republic or other Member States of the European Union, including as a result of rescue operations’);

-          the consideration that the person concerned does not belong to one of the vulnerable categories established by law (i.e., women, non-accompanied minors, individuals affected by clear pathological conditions, elder people - see para 1 of the SOPs); and

-          the assessment that the asylum seeker comes from a country designated as a SCO (see para 6 of the SOPs). 

 

In terms of the domestic legal system, the latter requirement stems from Article 3(3) law no 14/2024, which equalises the centres in Albania to the border and transit areas provided for by legislative decree no 25 of 28 January 2008. This is the legislation that Italy passed to implement Directive 2005/85 on minimum standards on procedures in Member States for granting and withdrawing refugee status (the previous asylum procedures Directive), and that was then amended and integrated to transpose Directive 2013/32 and further EU legal instruments regarding asylum procedures. Among many other things, this legislation established a list of SCOs (at Article 2-bis, as amended by Article 1 of decree-law no. 158 of 23 October 2024) and stated that the request for international protection filed by individuals coming from one of such countries can be dealt with under the accelerated procedure (see Article 28-bis).

 

Moreover, Article 3(4) law no. 14/2024 states that the centres in Albania are to be considered as equivalent to the reception centres established by Article 10-ter(1) of legislative decree no. 286 of 25 July 1998; i.e., the so-called ‘special crisis centres’ in which are detained the ‘foreign nationals who are tracked down while crossing internal or external borders illegally, or who arrive on national territory following rescue operations at sea’. In terms of EU law, basically Italy relied on the designation of SCOs under Article 37 Directive 2013/32 to trigger the accelerated procedure under Article 31(8)(b) of that Directive and considered that the examination of the asylum request from the centres in Albania would be equal to the border procedure provided by Article 43 of the same directive. Therefore, the designation of the country of origin of the migrants concerned as a SCO is the necessary preliminary point for the operation of the entire scheme, including deportation to and detention in the centres in Albania.

 

The questions referred to the CJEU

 

For the sake of clarity, it is worth restating that the questions referred to the CJEU by the Tribunal of Rome in November 2024 concerned whether EU law, and in particular Articles 36, 37, and 39 of Directive 2013/32, interpreted in the light of Article 47 of the EU Charter on Fundamental Rights (‘the Charter’),

-          prevents Member States from designating SCOs by means of legislative instruments (acts of Parliament);

-          requires national legislation to publish the sources relied on for the designation of a specific country as a SCO;

-          allows national judges called to review the designation of SCOs to use information from sources other than those referred to in directive 2013/32; and

-          precludes a non-EU country from being designated as a SCO where there are categories of people for whom the substantive conditions for such a designation laid down in Annex I to directive 2013/32 are not met.

 

The answers of the Grand Chamber

 

At the outset, the 15 Judges assessed the admissibility of the request for referral, reminding that, according to settled case-law, ‘questions on the interpretation of EU law referred by a national court […] enjoy a presumption of relevance’ and can be refused ‘only [i] where it is quite obvious that the interpretation of EU law sought bears no relation to the actual facts of the main action or its purpose, [ii] where the problem is hypothetical, or [iii] where the Court does not have before it the factual or legal material necessary to give a useful answer to the questions submitted to it’. Clearly, in the mind of the Grand Chamber, none of these instances applied to the case at hand, which, on the contrary, raises questions of interpretation of Directive 2013/32 highly relevant for the solution of the case (see judgment § 38-41 with reference to the judgment of 19 December 2024 in cases C-185 and 189/24 (Tudmur) § 26)

 

The first question and the issue of disapplication

 

On the first question, the Grand Chamber followed the argument advanced by all the parties at the hearing, including the defence, and by the AG in his opinion, stating that the term “legislation” contained in Article 37(1) of Directive 2013/32 is to be interpreted in a wide manner; and that neither Article 37 nor other provisions of Directive 2013/32 sets out the specific national authority competent for the designation or the specific legislative instrument to be used for that purpose (ibid § 56 and 59-60). Finally, the Court reminded that, under Article 288(3) TFEU, Member States enjoy a margin of discretion when implementing directives (ibid § 61). So, the Court concluded that nothing prevents a Member State from issuing a list of SCOs by means of an act of Parliament.

 

At the same time, albeit acknowledging that, as stressed by the Italian Government and by all the intervening Member States, EU law leaves discretion to States when issuing the list of SCOs, the Court clarified that said discretion does neither affect (i) ‘the obligation […] to adopt all the measures necessary to ensure that the directive concerned is fully effective”, nor (ii) ‘the duty of the national judge to give full effect to the provisions of Directive 2013/32, including by dis-applying as required, of its own motion, any national rule, even if adopted subsequently, which is contrary to a provision of EU law with direct effect, without it having to request or await the prior setting aside of that national rule or practice by legislative or other constitutional means’ (ibid § 62 with reference to the judgments of 10 April 1984 in case C-14/83 (von Colson and Kaman) § 15 and of 31 March 2022 in case C-472/20 (Lombard Lízing) § 53; § 63 with reference to the judgments of 9 March 1987 in case C-106/77 (Simmental) § 21 and 24, and of 28 January 2025 in case C-253/23 (ASG 2) § 90).  

 

This argument was compounded by the reference to the right to an effective remedy and to a fair trial, enshrined in Article 47 of the Charter. Indeed, the Court quoted from the precedent of case C-406/22 and held that

 

‘Article 46(3) of Directive 2013/32, read in the light of Article 47 of the Charter, must be interpreted as meaning that, where an action is brought before a court or tribunal against a decision rejecting an application for international protection, examined in the context of the special scheme applicable to applications lodged by applicants from third countries designated, in accordance with Article 37 of that directive, as safe countries of origin, that court or tribunal must, as part of the full and ex nunc examination required by Article 46(3) of that directive, raise, on the basis of the information in the file and the information brought to its attention during the proceedings before it, a failure to have regard to the material conditions for such designation, set out in Annex I to that directive, even if that failure is not expressly relied on in support of that action’ (ibid § 66 with reference to case C-406/22 § 98)

 

On this basis, the Grand Chamber concluded that the fact that a Member State decided to designate SCOs by means of an act of Parliament, while not in itself contrary to Article 37 of Directive 2013/32 or any other EU law provision, cannot prevent the national judge to “check” (“controllare”) the designation, or “subject [it] to judicial control” (“oggetto di un controllo giurisdizionale”), on the basis of the substantive requirements set out in Annex I to the directive (ibid § 66 and 67 for the answer to the question).

 

The second and the third question on the right to access to the sources used for the designation of SCOs

 

As regards the second and the third question, the Court recognised that, while it lists a series of sources that need to be taken into consideration (namely, ‘information from other Member States, EASO, UNHCR, the Council of Europe and other relevant international organisations’), Article 37(3) of Directive 2013/32 does not expressly set out that the national authorities are under the obligation to publish and make accessible the sources used for the designation of SCOs (ibid § 70-71). Still, the Court followed the ‘systemic’ approach indicated by the AG in his opinion and applied a three-fold argument to reach the conclusion that (i) ‘the Member State designating a third country as a safe country of origin must ensure sufficient and adequate access to the sources of information referred to in Article 37(3) of [the] Directive’ and (ii) ‘the national judge […] may, if it verifies, even incidentally, whether such designation complies with the substantive conditions for such designation set out in Annex I to that Directive, take into account the information it has gathered, provided that, on the one hand, it ensures the reliability of that information and, on the other hand, it guarantees the parties concerned the right to be heard’ (ibid § 88).

In the first place, the Grand Chamber noted that the designation of a country as ‘safe’ triggers the operation of the presumption of sufficient protection in the country of origin of an asylum seeker. However, in order to guarantee the right to challenge and rebut the presumption, the asylum seeker must be put in the condition of knowing the reasons for the designation, including the sources employed by the national authorities’ (ibid § 72-73).

 

In the second place, the Judges underscored that Article 12(1)(d) of Directive 2013/32, read in combination with Article 10(3)(b), states that during the procedure regarding the examination of their claim, asylum seekers have a right to access ‘precise and up-to-date information […] from various sources, such as EASO and UNHCR and relevant international human rights organisations, as to the general situation prevailing in [their] countries of origin’. It, then, concluded that this information is basically the same as that referred to in Article 37(3). Moreover, under Article 10(4) of the directive, the national judicial authorities hearing an appeal against a decision of refusal of protection have access to the same information (ibid § 74-75).

 

In the third place, the CJEU relied - once again - on the right to fair trial, guaranteed by Article 47 of the Charter, as a guide in the interpretation of Article 46 of Directive 2013/32, which set out the right to an effective remedy, reminding that, as it had already been stated in case C-406/22 and other precedents, the right to effective judicial protection resulting from the combination of these two provisions ‘is sufficient in itself and does not need to be made more specific by provisions of EU or national law in order to confer on individuals a right which they may rely on as such’ (ibid § 77 with reference to case C-406/22 § 86 and case law therein cited). That said, the Court remarked that effective judicial control presupposes that both the asylum seeker and the judicial authority must have full knowledge of the grounds of the decision of refusal (ibid § 78 with reference to the judgments of 4 June 2013 in case C-300/11 (ZZ) § 53 and of 29 July 2024, C-185/23 (protectus) § 79).

 

Yet, where a request for protection is denied as manifestly ill-founded since an asylum seeker comes from a ‘safe’ country, the reasons for the refusal overlap with the grounds to hold that the said country is indeed to be designated as ‘safe’ under Articles 36 and 37 and Annex I of Directive 2013/32 (ibid § 79). The ensuing conclusion that the asylum seeker and the national judge must have access to the sources and information relied on by the national authorities for the purpose of designating a country as ‘safe’ was further compounded by the literal interpretation of Article 46 of the Directive in the part that state that ‘Member States shall ensure that an effective remedy provides for a full and ex nunc examination of both facts and points of law, including, where applicable, an examination of the international protection needs pursuant to Directive 2011/95/EU […]’.

 

In this regard, with an argument that it had already employed in case C-406/22, the Court stressed that the expression ‘ex nunc’ indicates that the examination of the judicial authority has to include ‘new elements intervening after the adoption of the decision of refusal [of protection]’; that the adjective ‘complete’ means that the national judge has to examine ‘all the elements [that] […] have, or ought to have, been taken into consideration’ in the decision of dismissal of the claim; and that the clause ‘where applicable’ highlights that the process of judicial review ‘does not necessarily have to focus on the […] merits of the request for international protection’, rather ‘it could be concerned with the procedural aspects [of the claim] […] including the designation of a third country as a safe country of origin’ (ibid § 81-84 with reference to case C-406/22 § 87-91).  

 

The fourth question on the “personal exception” to the designation of SOCs

 

Finally, the Court held that Article 37 and Annex I of Directive 2013/32 prevent a Member State from designating a country as a SCO where the substantial conditions set out in Annex I to the directive are not satisfied for certain categories of persons. The conclusion ensues from an analysis of the letter of Article 37; the context of that provision in the framework of Directive 2013/32; and the objective of the EU legislation (ibid § 91).

 

To begin with, the Grand Chamber noted that nothing in the text of Article 37 suggests the terms ‘countries’ and ‘third countries’ may be interpreted as regarding just a portion of the population, even if this portion would be the majority (ibid § 92). This was confirmed by an analysis of the context of the directive, and specifically of the “substantive criteria” listed in Annex I. Here, the CJEU disagreed with the argument put forward by the AG and held that, in spite of ‘semantic differences’ in the official translations, the adverbs ‘generally’ and ‘consistently’ (in the English version of the directive) refer to a notion of ‘invariability’ (“invariabilità” in the Italian version of the judgment, ibid § 93-96). Moreover, the Court repeated that, as it had already stated in case C-406/22, all clauses of derogation and exceptional provisions need to be interpreted in a restrictive manner (ibid § 100).

 

It is perhaps worth noting that, in giving the interpretation of Article 37 in accordance with the literal and context-based approach, the Grand Chamber does not reference case C-406/22, although the same reasoning features in that judgment at §§ 65-71. On the other hand, case C-406/22 is explicitly quoted in the argument regarding the interpretation of Article 37 based on the objectives of Directive 2013/32. Indeed, §§ 101-106 of the Alace and Canpelli judgment replicate §§ 77-82 of case C-406/22. In both judgments, the Court stated, in essence, that the purpose of Directive 2013/32 is to ensure that, even under the accelerated procedure, asylum claims receive ‘adequate’ and ‘complete’ examination, in compliance with ‘basic principles and guarantees’, and that the presumption of safety of a country of origin remains ‘rebuttable’. In this context, the Court concluded that, when enacting Directive 2013/32, the EU legislature exercised its ‘discretion’ in order to ‘strike a fair balance’ between the need to speed up the processing of asylum requests and the duty to ensure that these are given full and fair examination. In the framework of this balancing exercise, the EU legislature decided ‘not [to] provide […] for the option for Member States to exclude certain categories of persons for the purposes of such designation’. Falling within the ‘prerogatives’ of the EU legislature, this choice of the balance point cannot be questioned by Member States.

 

The same applies to the decision as to the date of entry into force of the new Regulation 2024/1348, allowing, at Article 61(2), for the designation as a ‘safe country of origin’ with exceptions for specific parts of its territory or clearly identifiable categories of persons. Once again, the Grand Chamber held that the EU Legislature decided that the new legislation will only come into effect in June 2026 (ibid § 101-106).

 

As anticipated, this reasoning is exactly the same as the one developed in case C-406/22 concerning the so-called “territorial exception”. The only difference is that the Alace and Canpelli judgment contains (at § 107) a further reference to the proposal of the Commission entailing the amendments to Regulation 2024/1348 and the anticipation of the possibility, for Member States, to apply the new provisions regarding the designation of SOCs to ‘as soon as possible before June 2026’. Even this initiative is seen as an example of the exercise of legislative prerogatives by EU institutions, which, according to the CJEU, further reinforces the conclusion that – as the legislation currently stands under the realm of Directive 2013/32 – EU law does not allow for group exceptions in the designation of SCOs.

 

Conclusion

 

As noted, the CJEU gave priority to the case of Alace and Canpelli and suspended the examination of all the other questions referred by Italian judges, including on the designation of SCOs. Yet, it is not certain that the judgment of 1 August will clear all doubts surrounding the issue, and that, as a consequence, it would allow national judges to resolve the cases before them independent from further guidance from the Court.

 

This seems to be particularly true as far as the issue of disapplication is concerned. In fact, the Grand Chamber does not seem to answer in full to the argument, put forward by the Italian government, that the effective remedy available to the concerned asylum seeker to question, in general terms, the designation of a his or her country of origin as ‘safe’ is a challenge of constitutionality. By the same token, the Grand Chamber can be said to have failed to address the views of the Italian Constitutional Court in its most recent case law in this regard, as for example judgment no 181/2024, which introduced the concept of “constitutional tone”.

 

In the case, this view was supported by all the intervening Member States and the Commission with a more general argument aimed at underlying the difference between a general judicial review, which would involve the possibility, for the national judge, to question whether the designation of a country as ‘safe’ complies with the criteria laid down in Annex I of Directive 2013/32, and a more individualised assessment that the national judge will perform on whether the designation of a third country as a SCO does not apply to the individual(s) whose case is under examination, meaning that, for them and only for them, the country cannot be considered as ‘safe’. According to this argument, that in my opinion was best summarised at the hearing by the counsel for the German Government:

 

-          Directive 2013/32 distinguishes between the general designation of a country as a SCO, on the one hand, and the application of the concept in a specific case, on the other hand. The former assessment is based on general considerations, while the latter is based on the specific circumstances of the asylum seeker concerned.

-          Every national court has the power to perform the second assessment (application of the general designation of a country as a SCO to a specific case). However, the first assessment (general designation of a country as a SCO) must remain separate from this, and reserved to the Legislature. This is so because EU law leaves ‘leeway’ to Member States

-          If a national court believes that the general assessment that prompted the designation of a country as a SCO goes against the Constitution and/or EU law, it will have to raise a challenge of constitutionality before the constitutional court.

 

This was certainly taken into consideration by the AG in his opinion, which highlights the difference between a general challenge to the designation of a SCO and the decision, based on the specific circumstances of the case, that the designation does not apply to one or more individuals. This is probably the reason why, in his opinion, the AG never mentioned dis-application and rather chose to rely on the right to judicial protection (Article 47 of the Charter) and the right to an effective remedy (Article 46 of Directive 2013/32).

 

Against this backdrop, it seems as though the judgment does not really engage in these nuances. Indeed, the Grand Chamber refers to both dis-application and the right to an effective remedy when establishing that the national judge has the power to review the designation of a SCO. Yet, that part of the judgment may appear to be excessively straightforward. Indeed, the Court does not explicitly say that Article 37 and/or Annex I of Directive 2013/32 have direct effect, but merely implies this when referring to disapplication at § 63 of the judgment.

 

This omission is all the more apparent when considering that

 

-          the question as to whether Article 37 has direct effect was referred to the CJEU by the district Court of Bologna in case C-750/24 Ortega, but the Court suspended the examination of that request and gave priority to Alace and Canpelli;

-          in a different section of the judgment (at § 77) the Grand Chamber explicitly says that Articles 47 of the Charter and Article 46 of the directive have direct effect;

-          as I have already argued in my previous blog it does not seem too obvious that Article 37 qualifies as a provision of EU law capable of having direct effect on the basis of previous case law of the CJEU on the matter.

 

That said, it is also true that, leaving aside technicalities that may well be addressed in future cases, the answer of the Grand Chamber on the matter is clear: the need to ensure a full and fair examination of asylum claims at the European Union level requires that the national judge has the power to review each and every aspect of the request, including the designation of a country of origin as ‘safe’. In this sense, the judgment fits in the CJEU case law that has historically underscored the importance of the role of the national judge in the correct implementation of EU law.

 

The conclusion is the same as far as the answer to the fourth question is concerned, as it is indeed remarkable that the CJEU dismissed the “pragmatic” approach put forward by the Italian Government and resisted the “pressure” exerted by the intervening Member States and by the abrupt change of position of the Commission. The Grand Chamber also disavowed the opinion of the AG, which clearly favoured a loose interpretation of Article 37 and Annex I of Directive 2013/32, including on the basis of a questionable interpretation of the letter of the latter provision. Instead, the CJEU followed the defence, which had argued that ‘the letter of directive 2013/32, and especially its Annex I […] leaves no doubt as to the absolute impossibility to designate a country as a SCO whenever there are elements to hold that the country is, in fact, not safe for specific categories of people’. In so doing, it stressed the importance of the meaning of the hendiadys “generally” and “consistently”, saying that these terms require that the situation in a given country is “invariably” safe for its entire population.

 

Interestingly, while the reply to the first question can be read as a re-affirmation of the central role of the judiciary, the answer to the last question focusses on the prerogatives of the EU Legislature when exercising its discretion and striking a fair balance between the two conflicting objectives of Directive 2013/32; i.e. the interest to accelerate the examination of asylum claims vis-à-vis the duty to respect the basic rights of the asylum seekers.

 

For this reason, it seems to me that, rather than in terms of a conflict of powers (judiciary v executive) or institutions (EU v Member States), the judgment of 1 August 2025 should be read under the lenses of the tyranny of values. In this perspective, the issue is not as much which authority has the final say over an asylum claim, but whether, as a community based on the Rule of Law, the European Union and the Member States intend to place emphasis on pragmatic considerations regarding the burdensome effects of a large influx of asylum seekers, or whether the polar star is and remains the protection of fundamental rights - first and foremost the right to effective judicial protection.


Thursday, 14 August 2025

One Step Forward, Three Steps Back? The Alace Judgment and the Future of the 'Safe Country of Origin' Practice


 


Karla Žeravčić, Researcher, EUI

Photo credit: governo.it, via Wikimedia Commons


Less than a year after the Tribunale ordinario di Roma (Ordinary Court of Rome) submitted a preliminary reference, and just four months after Advocate General (AG) De La Tour delivered his Opinion, the CJEU’s Grand Chamber handed down its judgment in Alace on 1 August 2025.

This is the third case from Luxembourg tackling the Safe Country of Origin (SCO) concept under EU law. It follows the CV judgment, in which the Court ruled out territorial exceptions from the principle under the 2013 Recast Asylum Procedures Directive (2013 APD). In Alace, the focus shifted to group exceptions, with the Court firmly stating that the 2013 APD precludes Member States (MSs) from designating a third country as “safe” if it does not satisfy the relevant safety conditions for certain categories of persons (para 109).

At first glance, this looks like a welcome confirmation of a restrictive reading of the SCO designation. The Court rejected the more politically pragmatic approach advocated by Advocate General (AG) De La Tour (para 72), who had argued for a broader margin of discretion for Member States in designating safe countries, including group-based exceptions (para 70). But what does this mean in the long run – particularly in the context of the 2024 Asylum Procedures Regulation (2024 APR), and recent Commission proposals to bring some of its provisions into force ahead of schedule?

A Quiet Court in a Noisy Debate

The Alace judgment concerns two Bangladeshi nationals who were intercepted at sea on their way to Europe by the Italian coastguard and detained in Gjadër, Albania, a reception centre outside Italy’s borders but under Italian jurisdiction per the Italy-Albania protocol.

After their applications for international protection were rejected on the basis that Bangladesh was considered an SCO, the applicants appealed. The Tribunale ordinario di Roma referred four preliminary questions to the CJEU:

  1. Whether EU law precludes a Member State from designating a third country as an SCO by a legislative act of primary law;
  2. Whether EU law requires the sources justifying the designation to be “accessible and verifiable”;
  3. Whether national courts may rely on sources beyond those listed in Article 37 of the 2013 APD when reviewing a country’s “safety” designation;
  4. Whether Member States may designate a third country as “safe” where the safety conditions are not met for specific groups.

This piece focuses on the fourth question.

When addressing it, the Court clearly stated that group exceptions are not permitted under the 2013 APD. Meaning that a country must be safe for the entirety of its inhabitants not just part of it (para 96). Its reasoning relied on existing case law, the legislative context, and the objective of the recast. While the Court did not directly refer to the 2009 legislative procedure, Article 33 of the Proposal for the 2013 APD made clear the intention to remove the possibility for both territorial and group exceptions.

Instead, the Court relied on a textual interpretation of the Directive. It highlighted the terms “country” and “third country” in Article 37, noting that these offer no indication that a designation could refer only to part of a population (para. 92). The Court even examined the wording across all official EU languages to explore how the terms “generally” and “uniformly” – which describe the required absence of persecution in Annex I – support this restrictive reading (paras 93–95).

Thus, the Grand Chamber confirmed the position taken in CV: the 2013 APD does not allow for group or territorial exceptions in SCO designations.

The Shadow of the New Pact: Legal Clarity with an Expiry Date?

AG De La Tour’s Opinion diverged significantly from the Court’s approach. He argued that inconsistencies between the language versions of the Directive allow for a more flexible interpretation, leaving space for Member States to apply group-based exceptions when determining whether a country is “safe” (paras 76-77).

While the Court declined to follow this line of interpretation, it has been clear for some time now that EU asylum and migration law has served as a tool of migration control at the expense of rights, and the CJEU has been noticeably reluctant to make waves (see Tsourdi and Costello). AG De La Tour’s Opinion makes this tension explicit – he calls on the Court to consider “the pressures that national asylum systems are currently under” and suggests a need to balance legal and non-legal considerations (para 72). Therefore, with the Alace judgment, countries like the Netherlands and Italy that possessed group exceptions within their SCO lists would need to re-adjust them.

The problem with treating Alace as progress is that it comes at a transitional moment. In 2026, the 2013 APD will be repealed and replaced by the 2024 Asylum Procedure Regulation (2024 APR), part of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. Crucially, the 2024 APR explicitly reintroduces both territorial and group exceptions for SCO designation – effectively reversing the approach confirmed in CV and Alace.

Both referring courts in Alace and (the pending case of) Oguta made reference to the forthcoming APR, seemingly inviting the CJEU to weigh in on its provisions. But the Court has so far refrained from doing so, merely stating that the legislator had the ‘prerogative’ to ‘reconsider that choice, by striking a fresh balance’ (Alace (para 106) and CV (para 82)).

With the Commission now proposing to accelerate the implementation of parts of the APR, amongst others, the designation of SCO with exceptions,  into force before the planned date of June 2026, the practical value of the Alace judgment may already be fading.

The Future of the SCO Practice

Neither the 2005 APD nor the 2013 APD truly operated in favour of people on the move. Despite the exclusion of territorial and group exceptions in the 2013 recast, these practices have persisted. Moreover, the material conditions for designating a country as “safe” have never been immune to political considerations. Although SCO lists are, in theory, subject to review by the Commission and judicial authorities, such safeguards offer little assurance that no one will fall through the cracks of the system.

AG De La Tour in his Alace Opinion, reaffirmed that Member States must identify at-risk categories when assessing a third country’s general situation, in order to explicitly exclude them from the application of the SCO concept and its associated presumption of safety. However, as the 2005 APD already acknowledged, the very act of labelling a country “safe” is politically significant (para 19). There is no guarantee that governments will identify all at-risk groups nor refrain from designating a country as “safe” where political motivations, such as enlargement or migration control priorities, may dictate otherwise.

Problems with the SCO practices become even further highlighted in the 2024 APR, which reintroduces both territorial and group exceptions but without clearly defining or limiting their scope. This raises a critical question: can Member States designate as many categories of people as they wish while still maintaining the fiction of general safety? AG De La Tour cautioned that too many exceptions may render the safety designation meaningless: if a country is unsafe for many, can it be presumed safe at all?

This line of reasoning lies at the heart of the pending Oguta case, in which the Tribunale di Firenze (Ordinary Court of Florence) asked whether the Italian government’s identification of ten categories of vulnerable individuals undermines the designation of Nigeria as a safe country of origin. Under the Alace judgment, the issue in Oguta arguably becomes moot for the purposes of the 2013 APD, which (as interpreted by the CJEU) does not permit group exceptions. Yet, if the Court issues its decision after the 2024 APR enters into force – or even if it does not issue a decision in this particular case – the question will remain relevant, as the APR allows for such exceptions. Should the Court follow AG De La Tour’s reasoning (para 91), it may conclude that Nigeria’s designation cannot stand. Nonetheless, the APR’s vague treatment of exceptions leaves ample room for extensive lists to persist.

Going back to the CV case, AG Emiliou, in his Opinion, noted that both territorial and group exceptions are legally complex and insufficiently defined. He focused particularly on territorial exceptions, raising the question of how to delineate which parts of a country are “safe enough” and which are not (paras 101 and 109). But similar challenges arise with group exceptions, especially when they concern marginalised communities such as ethnic, racial, or sexual minorities. For instance, queer asylum seekers are routinely subjected to credibility assessments that require them to “prove” their queerness. As noted in the Oguta reference (para 9c), if national authorities already struggle to determine group membership under ordinary procedures, how can such assessments be conducted fairly and accurately under accelerated ones?

These legal ambiguities are not merely technical; they expose people on the move to arbitrary, rushed, and potentially life-threatening decisions. The continued reliance on the SCO concept, especially as reformulated in the 2024 APR, entrenches a system that privileges administrative convenience and political expediency over genuine protection needs.

Conclusion

In light of what is to come with the 2024 APR, Alace is not progress but a temporary pause. While the Court has reaffirmed a narrow reading of the 2013 APD, this version of EU asylum law will soon be obsolete – and with it, the legal clarity Alace provides. Yet returning to the 2013 framework is no solution either. Both the Directive and the forthcoming Regulation rest on the flawed logic of the Safe Country of Origin concept itself. If protection is to be meaningful, and procedures truly fair, the time has come not to refine the SCO practice – but to abolish it altogether.

 

Alace and Canpelli: the Court of Justice firmly constrains domestic extraterritorial asylum processing politics

 

 


Chiara Favilli (University of Florence) and Luisa Marin (University of Insubria/ EUI)

Photo credit: Presidenza della Republica, via Wikimedia Commons

 


1.     Introduction: a long-awaited judgement full of implications for the EU asylum system

 

On the 1st of August 2025, the long-awaited Alace and Canpelli judgment was released, providing interpretation to the ‘safe country of origin notion, a crucial legal notion in EU asylum law and politics.

With the case at hand, together with the previous ruling on CV, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has given a landmark judgment in the context of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Furthermore, it placed clear boundaries on the implementation of the instruments of the Pact of Migration and Asylum, most notably on the Procedures Regulation No. 2024/1348, replacing the 2013 Procedures Directive, and due to enter into force in June 2026.

In another perspective, with a decision in full continuity with its case law, the CJEU halts the ambitions of the Italian Government in the politics of extraterritorial asylum processing, a domain in which Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has politically invested (here). At the same time, the success of this policy has been viewed as a cornerstone of the overall package of ten legal acts translating the Pact on Asylum and Migration. This policy embeds the idea of 'protection elsewhere’ and rests on the principle of safe country; it presupposes that asylum applications can be handled with a special procedure, while protection-seekers are held in detention in border areas. The Italian Government has built a couple of detention centres in Albania. Earlier on, also UK has made similar moves with Rwanda.

The salience of this case is witnessed by the fact that 16 governments have been granted intervention, 15 of which in support of the Italian Government, with the exception of Germany. Interestingly, it should be stressed that the Commission sidelined most Member States, changing its position during the unfolding of the written and oral proceedings before the CJ. Moreover, other 60 preliminary rulings raised by Italian judges were pending before the CJEU, involving similar issues: they will likely now be dismissed.  

For Italy, this case has an additional and peculiar salience since the extraterritorial asylum processing policy has represented a political investment of the current Government, and the legislation has undergone several changes since 2018. These reforms gave rise to a number of significant issues that were the subject of many judicial challenges. Italian judges called upon to validate detention orders or rule on appeals against applications declared manifestly unfounded decided that there was a conflict with European Union law and in several cases they have set aside domestic law.

This reaction has pushed the Government to reignite a long-standing friction between (fractions of) the Italian political spectrum and the judiciary. 

This comment is devoted especially to the European Union law dimension of this case, with a special focus on its constitutional relevance. 

 

2.     The concept of ‘safe country of origin’ in Italy, its criticalities and its relevance in current asylum politics

The concept of ‘safe country of origin’ – which sets out a rebuttable presumption that the country of origin of asylum-seekers is ‘safe’, justifying fast-track processing of the asylum claim – was introduced into EU law through the first Procedures Directive (Directive 2005/85/EC). This was confirmed with some amendments in the second Procedures Directive (2013/32/EU), still in force until replaced by Regulation 2024/1348, which will apply from June 2026 (see here). According to both Directives, the introduction of this concept into national law was an option for Member States. Italy, for example, only introduced it in 2018, as previous governments deemed it incompatible with the constitutional right to asylum (Article 10, para. 3, It. Constitution). Lately, in 2024, however, Italy adopted one of the longest lists of safe countries of all the Member States (see here).

Furthermore, no genuine system for applying the ‘safe country of origin’ concept in Italy has ever been established. Responsibility for designation was delegated to the Government through an interministerial decree, without no transparency regarding the analysis of sources or of documentation used and without the involvement of independent subjects. Following formal requests by civil society organisations, this documentation was disclosed, revealing an extensive use of exceptions based on parts of a country’s territory and categories of persons, which were expressly allowed under Article 2-bis of Legislative Decree No. 25/2008. These many critical issues quickly came to light in the form of lively litigation before the Italian courts, especially during the validation of detention or in appeals in the context of an accelerated procedure (see here).

Several judges noted that the Italian provisions infringed upon the technical requirements for designating ‘safe countries of origin’ set out in Article 37 and Annex I of the 2013 Procedures Directive. When faced with such conflicts, Italian judges invoked the tools available to them when a national provision is incompatible with an obligation arising from EU law: immediate protection through disapplication of the domestic law in contrast with EU law and a request for interpretation of the EU act through a preliminary reference to the Court of Justice. A preliminary reference was also submitted to the Italian Court of Cassation pursuant to Article 363 of the Code of Civil Procedure, including questions on the interpretation of the EU directive (see here).

In each case, the Government strongly criticised the rulings. Initially, it invoked the theory of 'political act’, later contesting the scope of judicial review, the jurisdiction of the courts to conduct it and the admissibility of the legal remedies being used (see here). Criticism was directed at the widespread judicial review exercised by ordinary judges with reference to the designation of countries as safe, referred to as a prerogative of the Government. The Government also argued that, in this case, only the intervention of a supreme court could have found a conflict with EU law and that referral to the Constitutional Court would have been preferable to the referral to the Court of Justice. In any event, the Government opposed the widespread review by the ordinary judge, notwithstanding this is expression of a consolidated EU law principle, established since the Simmenthal ruling: in case of conflict with EU law, a domestic law provision must be set aside.

It should also be noted that, in Italy, NGOs do not have standing to directly challenge the designation of ‘safe countries of origin’ in front of courts: this specificity makes diffuse judicial review constitutionally necessary (see, again, here). Furthermore, even in countries, such as France, where broad standing is recognised, a court hearing an individual case concerning measures adopted under the accelerated or border procedure may still exercise judicial review on the designation (see here). 

These strong criticisms and attacks on the judiciary resurfaced with the initial implementation of the Italy-Albania Protocol, which creates a policy of extraterritorial asylum processing. The two detention centres created in Albania, which are under Italian jurisdiction, are considered equivalent to transit zones on the Italian territory. Border procedure applies there, and they entail the detention of asylum seekers from supposedly ‘safe’ countries of origin. The concept of ‘safe country of origin’ thus becomes the legal basis for the entire procedure and for the detention of asylum seekers, which is mandatory in Albania.

When the first judicial challenges against the detention of transferred individuals were submitted, the Rome Tribunal observed that the asylum seekers were from Egypt — a country that had been designated as a ‘safe country of origin’, except for political opponents, dissidents, activists, human rights defenders and others who might be subject to persecution. The national court applied by analogy the legal principles expressed by the Court of Justice in the CV judgment of 4 October 2024, which ruled out territorial exceptions for ‘safe countries of origin’. So, in the national court’s judgment, that principle was extended also to rule out designations of ‘safe countries of origin’ that exclude specific groups of persons (see below, para. 3.3). Consequently, the national court set aside the national provisions and refused to validate the detentions of individuals transferred to Albania, who were brought back to Italy.

As a reaction to this judicial ruling, de facto freezing the effectiveness of the Italy-Albania Protocol, the government adopted two legal acts: Decree-Law No. 158/2024 and, subsequently, Law No. 187/2024. These established that ‘safe country of origin’ designations would no longer be made by ministerial decree, as in the previous system, but through acts with the force of law. The aim was probably to restrict the extent to which judicial review could be carried out and, consequently, disapplication (see here). Furthermore, the possibility of designating a country as safe while introducing territorial exceptions was repealed, in compliance with the CV ruling. However, the admissibility of group exceptions was retained. This was based on the fact that the Court of Justice had not explicitly ruled on the latter in the CV judgment. In contrast with the interpretation given by the judiciary, the Government also thought that such exceptions were compatible with Directive 2013/32/EU.

As expected, this last aspect became central in the second round of Protocol implementation. At this stage, the Rome Tribunal, instead of disapplying, referred a preliminary question to the Court of Justice regarding four questions, including the compatibility of group exceptions with Directive 2013/32/EU. Other courts followed the same path, also submitting preliminary references to the Court in Luxembourg. Along with other pending referrals raised by various Italian courts, this brought the total number of referrals to around sixty, all of which concerned the same legal issues. The Court of Justice decided to examine the Rome referral under the accelerated procedure and suspended the others, which may now be quickly closed.

Meanwhile, other Italian judges continued to argue that the most technically appropriate remedy was the disapplication of national rules deemed contrary to Directive 2013/32/EU, particularly given the clarity of the CV judgment of 4 October 2024 (see here). In addition, the Court of Cassation also issued in December 2024 two rulings reaffirming the need for judicial review of ‘safe country of origin’ designations following the CV judgment. Given the pending preliminary rulings raised in the Alace and Canpelli cases, the Court of Cassation adopted an interlocutory order while awaiting the judgment of the Court of Justice. However, the Supreme Court argued that it should establish a dialogue with the latter and thus expressed its position, in particular on the requirement for individual allegations and the admissibility of exclusions of categories of persons. Curiously, the Court wanted to establish a dialogue without using the tool that such dialogue allows, namely the preliminary ruling. In fact, the ruling of the Court of Cassation was submitted during the proceedings by the Italian Government, which clearly considered it to be in support of its own positions. The Supreme court held, indeed, in somewhat ambiguous terms, and contrary to CV, that asylum seekers must provide specific factual allegations to enable the judge to challenge the legality of a country's designation as safe. Furthermore, it found that group exceptions are admissible, and this opened up new questions for the courts called to interpret European Union and domestic rules. 

The positions taken by the Italian Government and the Court of Cassation after the CV judgment have made the Italian legal context very ambiguous and uncertain. In this context, another ruling of the Court of Justice was all the more necessary, and the judges of the Rome Tribunal were right to refer the two preliminary questions instead of disapplying as they had done right after the CV judgment. 

 

  1. The judgment: a total win for the multilevel system of protection of fundamental rights

 

The request for a preliminary ruling in the cases at stake has been made in proceedings brought by two Bangladeshi citizens transferred and detained in Albania on the assumption that they were asylum seekers from a safe country of origin. In accordance with Decree Law No. 158/2024, the People's Republic of Bangladesh is considered a ‘safe country of origin’ even if the 3 May 2024 country profile indicates that “cases of actual need for international protection mainly concern members of the LGBTQI+ community, victims of gender-based violence (including female genital mutilation), ethnic and religious minorities, individuals accused of political crimes, and sentenced to death”. 

As a preliminary remark, we must state that this case represents a total win for EU law as a legal system based on the rule of law and fundamental rights, especially defined as right to an effective remedy in the context of asylum applications. The Court takes a new chance to recall that EU fundamental rights can have direct effect and entail rights to be invoked before courts.

Several aspects of the judgment will be commented on, with no ambition of exhaustivity.

A first aspect to be stressed concerns the respect for the choice of the Government to intervene with a legislative act and the notion of domestic procedural autonomy; second, on the scope of the judicial review and its intertwinement with the fundamental right to an effective remedy, Article 47 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights; third, on one of the corollaries of the right to an effective remedy, i.e., access to information; fourth, on the relation between ordinary asylum procedures, and exceptions to the rule, i.e., border and accelerated procedures, with particular reference to the so-called exclusion for groups of persons. 

 

3.1. Domestic governments, the primacy of EU law and its corollaries: nothing new under the sun 

 

In its preliminary observations (paras. 44-53), the Court of Justice addresses important issues concerning the relation between ordinary asylum procedures and special regimes, for which the definition of ‘safe country of origin’ is crucial; in this context, it reframes the questions asked by the referring court, dismissing the question on the interpretation of Article 38 of the Procedures Directive, because that Article concerns the different issue of ‘safe third country’, not the ‘safe country of origin’ issue central to this case. 

The first aspect on which this comment is devoted concerns Member States’ scope of legislative intervention, against the background of the boundaries put by EU law and its interpretation, as given by the Court of Justice.

 With its first question, the referring judge asked the Court whether the Governmental designation of the list of ‘safe countries of origin’ with a legislative act was in compliance with EU law. Interpreting Articles 36 and 37 of the Procedures Directive, the Court does not find any obstacles in the designation of these countries with a legislative instrument, in full conformity with the principle of procedural autonomy of EU law. In contrast, the Court finds that the provisions of the Directive place ‘technical requirements’, i.e., substantive boundaries as to the procedures and requirements that domestic authorities must respect, however leaving full discretion to the Member States as to the authority entitled to proceed to such designation.

The procedural autonomy of the Member States, in a context of supranational integration such as the EU, finds a first boundary in the duty incumbent upon them to adopt every measure to grant full effectiveness to the Directive, as interpreted in the ruling in Von Colson: this represents the first milestone of the CJEU’s doctrine of consistent interpretation or indirect effect, which is based, it should be recalled, on the principle of loyal cooperation, i.e., the Bundestreue of EU law.

The principle of full effectiveness of EU law gave the Court the ground to come back to one of the milestones of its primacy doctrine, the duty to set aside domestic law which does not conform with EU law; as known, any intervention of the States, be it legislative or not, posterior to EU law or not, must conform with EU law (para. 63). Lacking this, domestic law must be set aside, as consistently interpreted by the CJEU from the 1978 Simmenthal case onwards.

This corollary, which is nothing but consolidated EU law, represents a first warning signal to the Governments, i.e., that (the) substance (of EU law) prevails over form, and that domestic legislative acts are not sheltered away from scrutiny. In plain EU law terms, this is nothing new under the sun.

For every Member State of the EU, this means that the CJEU grants the uniform interpretation of EU law, indirectly reviewing the compliance of domestic law with EU law. In this case, EU law grants fundamental rights to individuals, in particular the right to an effective remedy as provided for in Article 47 of the Charter and Article 46 of the Procedures Directive.

This means that the State is constrained in the exercise of its discretion by EU law, and this applies to Parliament and Government as well. To the eyes of the EU law scholar, the CJ does nothing but drawing the logical lines from the case CV (C-406/22) which originated the referrals of the Italian courts, against the background of the 2013 Procedures Directive that does not allow personal or territorial exceptions. The CV ruling marks the precedent that the CJ is respecting: this is taken to the consequence that the substantive and procedural requirements set by Articles 36 and 37 and the right to an effective remedy, as implemented in Article 46, section 3, read juncto with Article 47 of the Charter, certainly allows the Government to set its list of safe country of origin, leaving however intact the right to a full judicial scrutiny on whether such designation respects EU law.  

The consequence is set (in paragraph 67) and it represents a development of the consolidated case law of the CJ in this matter. This triggered the nervousness of the Italian Government; however, by recalling that the domestic judge must be able to scrutinise the Italian instrument providing for a list of ‘Safe Countries of Origin’ – be it via legislation or a regulatory instrument - the CJ interprets the scope of the judicial review as provided for in the European Union directive: also in this respect, we are in line with consolidated European Union law doctrine on the scope of judicial review in the context of: again, nothing new under the sun.

  

3.2. Between of law and politics: the designation of the Safe Country of Origin and its scrutiny

 

Other questions raised by Italian courts concern the degree of openness of the Government as to its sources concerning the designation of a country as a ‘safe country of origin’ (paras. 69 ff.). This part of the judgment is very salient, as it places clear boundaries on the level of discretion enjoyed by States and turns this discretion into a matter of judicial review. In particular, the CJ states that though the Directive does not provide for the obligation to disclose the sources of information according to which the Government preceded to the designation of a country as a ‘safe country of origin’, it nevertheless remains that the asylum-seeker must be able to rebut the presumption of safety of the third country if he or she can prove such circumstance in light of his or her personal situation. However, this is possible only if he or she can know the grounds on which his or her country has been deemed ‘safe’ (para. 73).

These paragraphs are important as they bring the whole matter to a question of the full extent of the exercise of the right to an effective remedy. The CJ recalls its case law on asylum law in relation to the Czech Republic and Hungary. In this context, the case law concerned various epiphanies of the rule of law crisis hitting the EU in the last decade. The Court therefore concludes that both the applicant and the judge must be able to have full knowledge of the sources of information on which the designation of a country as a ‘safe country of origin’ is made (para. 80). This means that the scope of judicial review of the domestic judge is very broad (para 80 and ff.) and can touch upon the procedural aspects of an asylum application, among which we find the grounds justifying the designation of a country as a ‘safe country of origin’ (Case C-406/22, paras. 90 and 91).

It is therefore in this perspective that the CJ can assert that domestic courts are in full control of the application and domestic implementation of the directive (para. 85). Therefore, the State must grant adequate access to sources of information on which the designation is made, and the judge must check whether the designation respects the conditions set by the directive. 

 

3.3. The asylum system, between rule and exceptions

 

In its previous judgment CV of 4 October 2024, the Court of Justice clarified that the definition of a ‘safe country of origin’ must be interpreted restrictively, as it introduces derogatory procedures with significant limitations in terms of procedural and judicial guarantees. Thus, it cannot be applied to situations beyond those conceived by the EU legislator. The Court therefore held in that judgment that exclusions based on parts of a territory are not allowed, as they are not provided for in Directive 2013/32/EU. In light of the clarity of the Court's ruling and the interpretative criteria it outlined, Italian judges were fully entitled to disregard the national legislation to the extent that it included exclusions for specific groups of individuals. This was particularly pertinent given that, even when expressly provided for, such exclusions were subject to stricter and more limited conditions than territorial exceptions.

Indeed, under the first Procedures Directive (Directive 2005/85/EC), it was envisaged that a list of ‘safe countries of origin’ could be adopted at the European Union level and that both types of exceptions — territorial and personal — would be subject to different regimes. The 2005 Directive allowed Member States to designate part of a country as safe, provided the conditions set out in the Directive were met in that part. Regarding groups of persons, Article 30(3) of the 2005 Directive introduced a standstill clause, whereby the directive prohibited Member States from newly designating a country as ‘safe’ based on the exclusion of specific groups of persons. Instead, it permitted Member States to maintain national provisions in force on 1 December 2005, under which a country or part thereof could be considered safe for a specific group of persons. Thus, from the outset, the regime of personal exceptions was limited to the operation of this standstill clause, and did not amount to a proper exception in the same way as territorial exclusions.

In any case, Directive 2013/32/EU -the instrument applicable ratione temporis- repealed both the territorial exclusions and the standstill clause. This means that, since then, Member States have been unable to maintain or introduce provisions designating only parts of a country as safe or deeming a country safe for particular groups of individuals. The purpose of abolishing these exceptions was to reduce fragmentation and ensure that Member States comply with the criteria set out in the directive. This was necessary because, in the absence of a common EU list, each Member State adopted or maintained its own list, and such lists were often very different from one another.

The preparatory work makes this quite clear: when explaining the new Article 33 (later renumbered Article 37 of the current Directive), the Commission stated: 'The substantive criteria for the national designation of safe countries of origin are further clarified in this Article.' In essence, the amendments aim to ensure that the application of the notion is subject to the same conditions in all Member States covered by the Directive. Firstly, references to the minimum common list of safe countries of origin are deleted. Secondly, the optional provision allowing Member States to apply the notion to part of a country is also deleted. The material requirements for national designation must therefore be met with respect to a country's entire territory. Furthermore, it is proposed that the stand-still clauses, which allow Member States to derogate from the material requirements with respect to a country or part of a country, and/or apply the notion to a specified group within that country or part of it, be deleted.” (European Commission, COM(2009) 554 final of 21 October 2009, Annex, p. 15; see also CV, point 75).

However, Member States ignored this change introduced by the 2013 Directive, retaining or introducing ‘safe country of origin’ rules that included exceptions. Italy did the same, introducing them for the first time in 2018 alongside the notion of a ‘safe country of origin’. However, the formulation of the personal exceptions in Italian law reversed the structure set out in the 2005 Directive: under that Directive, a country could be considered ‘safe’ only for certain groups of people, whereas under the Italian regime, a country is considered ‘safe’ except for certain groups of people.

Given the widespread use of exceptions by Member States, it is not surprising that the new Regulation (EU) 2024/1348 reintroduces the possibility of designating a country as safe while excluding parts of its territory or certain categories of persons. However, in line with the 2005 regime, this Regulation also restores the Union’s competence to adopt a common list, moving once again towards harmonisation.

The gap between the EU’s legal framework and the practice of Member States in designating countries as safe has thus returned to the courtroom. The Court of Justice was so called upon to clarify the specific regime of exceptions for groups of persons and the relevance of the new Regulation 2024/1348/EU.

The issue of personal exceptions was also the subject of specific questions raised by the Court of Justice during the hearing held on 25 February 2025, some of which were addressed to Member States and others to the Commission. However, the Commission responded in a rather evasive manner, even changing its position from that expressed in its written observations without presenting any plausible legal justification. The Advocate General, in his opinion, supported their admissibility, though he limited their practical application to clearly identifiable groups (here). This aspect alone would have been enough to make the designation of several of the 19 countries on its ‘safe country of origin’ list questionable.

Reaffirming the interpretative principles it had already set out in its ruling CV of 4 October 2024 (paras. 102-104), the Court of Justice held that personal exceptions are inadmissible (para. 109). However, unlike the CV, the Court does not use the chronological argument based on the legislator's intention to abolish the two exceptions — personal and territorial — with Directive 2013/32/EU. In our opinion, this argument is already very strong. Based on a strict literal interpretation, the Court even states that a country can be considered ‘safe’ if the requirements in Annex I apply to all persons without exception, unless there is a different legislative provision (para. 96). Moreover, it emphasised that the concept of a ‘safe country of origin’ entails a derogatory regime which must be interpreted restrictively and cannot be applied more broadly than is strictly permitted by the literal and contextual reading of the Directive and its objectives, namely a swift and thorough examination of asylum applications (paras. 99-105). In particular, Directive 2013/32/EU saw the Union legislator make a different policy choice to that made in 2005, and again in 2024 with the new Regulation 2024/1348/EU

Both territorial and personal exceptions were permitted under the 2005 Directive and will again be permitted under Regulation 2024/1348/EU, effective from 12 June 2026, but with no option for unilateral early application. The Court emphasised that it is the responsibility of the Union legislator to reverse the 2013 decision to repeal these exceptions by adopting a new approach, which has now been formalised in Regulation 2024/1348/EU (paras. 106-107). However, it cannot be applied before the formal entry-into-force date unless expressly provided for by a legislative amendment, which is already underway.

This clarification is particularly welcome in the Italian context, where the Court of Cassation had ruled that the current legal framework should be interpreted in light of Regulation 2024/1348/EU, invoking the concept of a 'regulatory environment' — a notion entirely unfamiliar to the Italian system of legal sources, but that was held by the Government in order to allow a broader scope of application of the ‘safe country of origin’ concept.

In the CV judgment, the Court of Justice remarked that the new balance set out in Article 61(2) of Regulation 2024/1348 'must comply with the requirements arising from the Geneva Convention and the Charter' (para. 82).

This remark is not repeated in the Alace judgment, in which the Court assessed the conformity of personal exceptions with EU law with reference to Directive 2013/32 alone, rather than the fundamental right to asylum protected by the Geneva Convention and the Charter. It seems that the Court has carefully weighed every word and has chosen not to dwell on unnecessary clauses in the context of the legal framework currently in force. However, when the new regulation comes into effect, issues of compliance with the Geneva Convention and the Charter will arise, prompting new questions for national courts and the Court of Justice to address. Not only Regulation 2024/1348, but also all the other acts adopted as part of the reform under the New Pact aim to reduce access to Member States' asylum systems and simplify application processing, with the ultimate goal of quickly proceeding with repatriation. This is based on the belief that the majority of asylum applications submitted in Member States are abusive, despite evidence suggesting otherwise (see here).

 

  1. The legacy for the future

With CV and Alace and Canpelli, the Court has cleared up any doubts about how to interpret the questions raised by national courts and how to interpret Directive 2013/32/EU, which, however, is set to be replaced by Regulation 2024/1348 starting in June 2026: a new regulation with a fresh balance, as also emphasised by the CJEU, between the objectives of speed and complete examination of asylum applications. However, even under the new regulation, it will remain possible to conduct two levels of judicial review: one on the proper designation of the country as ‘safe’, based on criteria formulated almost identically to those already found in the Directives, and another on the country's safety in relation to the individual applicant.

Obviously, the type of appeal will differ depending on whether the judicial review concerns the national or European Union list, but the principles established by the Court and deriving directly from Article 47 of the Charter will remain fully applicable. It could be argued that in this way the notion of a safe country, interpreted restrictively as an exception to the rule, risks becoming ineffective for governments. However, problems arise when it is misused as an anti-immigration tool rather than as a simple mechanism to streamline and accelerate procedures. The discrepancies and heterogeneity observed in the lists of ‘safe third countries’ formulated by Member States is a clear demonstration of the transformation of the function of the ‘safe country of origin’ concept.

Aware of the difficulties inherent in applying the concept of safe country, the new regulation introduces a new criterion for applying accelerated and border procedures, which will complement the ‘safe country of origin’ concept. These procedures will apply to nationalities with a recognition rate (ie a success rate of asylum claims) below 20% (based on annual Eurostat data), unless circumstances change significantly since the publication of the relevant Eurostat data or the criteria cannot be applied to a specific group of persons because the recognition rate is not ‘representative’. This new criterion says nothing about the actual safety of countries, but rather infers that abbreviated procedures may be applied from the low recognition rate. This aims to avoid the problems previously encountered when applying the ‘safe country of origin’ concept, although it raises new ones that will certainly have to be addressed in domestic courts, and, perhaps also by the CJEU.

Moreover, with the regression in the protection of the right to asylum, there could also be a risk of conflict with the constitutional right to asylum expressed in Article 10(3) of the Italian Constitution, which has a much broader content than the concept of international protection as codified in European Union law or as deriving from any international convention, such as the Geneva Convention on Refugees or the ECHR. It will therefore be inevitable that, especially from 12 June 2026, when the new regulations adopted under the New Pact will apply, the Constitutional Court will be called upon to rule on the possible counter-limit that the constitutional right to asylum places on the new asylum law. 

  

  1. Once upon a time… post-national constitutionalism, with (several) courts constraining (aslyum) politics

 

So far, with Alace and Canpelli, the Court consolidated its case law on the constitutionally oriented interpretation of the European Union asylum framework. The logic of the Court is the logic of a constitutional court (here and here). With the recent rulings in CV and Alace, and also with the previous case law on the Hungarian rule of law crisis in asylum, the Court is acting as the constitutional court of the European Union legal order, interpreting both European Union law and the domestic law giving implementation to European directives, in a manner compliant with the core rules of the European constitutional system, i.e., fundamental rights. 

One of the cornerstones of the rule of law is the right to an effective remedy, recognised in the Charter of Fundamental Rights. This is an expression of the judicial review, one of the pillars on which the rule of law is founded, as recalled years ago by the Court of Justice in its ruling Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses. The scope of judicial review can vary; however, in its relation with fundamental rights, and other core provisions, every legal order becomes more rigid and constrained. The XX century has marked the constitutionalisation of fundamental rights: furthermore, many European countries have in their constitutional systems forms of judicial review of the legislation. This means that in the XX century the legislator has become more constrained than the legislator of the modern state. 

In this context, the European Union legal order is representing another layer of this process of constitutionalisation, since it adds to Member States’ constitutional systems and courts… a court, and this Court of Justice adjudicates interpreting fundamental rights and core paradigms of the contemporary constitutional state. It is precisely for this reason that the interpretation of the CJEU can be perceived as political or invasive, but this is nothing but a typical expression of contemporary constitutionalism in a context of post-national sovereignty. This constitutionalisation is expression of multiple legal orders, the domestic and the European, and is influenced also by the European Court of Human Rights.

 This case is strongly embedded in the case law of the Court of Justice on asylum. In its previous case law, the core concerned the interpretation of Article 47 of the Charter, its direct effect, and its relation with primacy and one of its implications, the duty to set aside the domestic rule in conflict with the European Union rule. Earlier on, the CJ inferred exactly the same for the Hungarian legal order that did not provide for remedies against decisions denying the right to asylum. With Alace and Canpelli the Court continues its work of constitutionalisation of fundamental rights in the European Union asylum system. 

  

*While this blogpost is the product of a joint discussion, section 1 is written together by Chiara Favilli and Luisa Marin, sections 2, 3.3, and 4 can be attributed to Chiara Favilli and sections 3.1, 3.2, and 5 can be attributed to Luisa Marin.