Professor Steve Peers
What if a person claiming to be a
refugee is an alleged terrorist, or at least giving assistance to alleged terrorists? Can they still claim to be a refugee – and if not,
how should we define ‘terrorism’ for the purposes of rejecting their claim to
be one? Today’s judgment
of the EU Court of Justice in the Lounani
case usefully clarifies some aspects of this controversial and legally complex
issue, but inevitably leaves some difficult questions open.
Legal framework
The starting point for this issue
is the wording of the UN Refugee
Convention, known by the EU as the ‘Geneva Convention’, which contains an ‘exclusion’
clause in Article 1.F:
F. The
provisions of this Convention shall not apply to any person with respect to
whom there are serious reasons for considering that:
(a) he has
committed a crime against peace, a war crime, or a crime against humanity, as
defined in the international instruments drawn up to make provision in respect
of such crimes;
(b) he has
committed a serious non-political crime outside the country of refuge prior to
his admission to that country as a refugee;
(c) he has
been guilty of acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United
Nations.
The UN rules (which all EU Member
States have signed up to) have been transposed, but with variations, in the EU’s
Qualification
Directive, which applies to every Member State except Denmark. (Technically
the UK and Ireland are bound only by the first
version of this Directive, but the rules on exclusion haven’t changed). Article 12(3) of that Directive reads as
follows:
2. A
third-country national or a stateless person is excluded from being a refugee
where there are serious reasons for considering that:
(a) he or she
has committed a crime against peace, a war crime, or a crime against humanity,
as defined in the international instruments drawn up to make provision in
respect of such crimes;
(b) he or she
has committed a serious non-political crime outside the country of refuge prior
to his or her admission as a refugee, which means the time of issuing a
residence permit based on the granting of refugee status; particularly cruel
actions, even if committed with an allegedly political objective, may be
classified as serious non-political crimes;
(c) he or she
has been guilty of acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United
Nations as set out in the Preamble and Articles 1 and 2 of the Charter of the
United Nations.
3. Paragraph 2
applies to persons who incite or otherwise participate in the commission of the
crimes or acts mentioned therein.
It can be seen that the EU rules
differ from the UN rules to the extent that: they add some wording on the
timing and nature of ‘serious non-political crimes’; they clarify the reference
to acts contrary to UN ‘purposes and principles’; and they apply the exclusion
to those who ‘incite or otherwise participate’ in all three categories of acts
leading to exclusion.
Despite this attempt at
clarification, there will always be issues of interpreting these rules. The EU
Court has ruled on them once before, in its judgment
in B and D, when it stated that first
of all that the second and third exclusion clauses can apply to terrorist
offences. However, exclusion must be
assessed in each individual case, meaning that membership of a group listed as ‘terrorist’
in EU foreign policy sanctions against terrorists does not
automatically trigger the exclusion clause, although it is a ‘factor’ to
consider. Participating in a terrorist group, as defined by EU criminal law on terrorism, does not automatically trigger the exclusion clause either. Instead,
there must be direct involvement by the person concerned in such offences, as
further explained by the Court. Furthermore, there is no additional ‘proportionality’
or ‘present danger’ test for exclusion. Finally, the exclusion clause is
mandatory: ie Member States cannot assert a right to apply higher standards and
give someone refugee status if they fall within the exclusion criteria.
The judgment
What does today’s judgment add?
The person concerned was convicted of participating in a terrorist group, but
not of carrying out any terrorist acts as such. So is such a conviction
sufficient to trigger the exclusion clause?
The EU court ruled that it was. First
of all, the preamble to the EU Directive referred to UN Resolutions on ‘financing,
planning and inciting’ terrorism; so the third exclusion clause goes beyond
terrorist acts as such. Secondly, the EU legislature had not intended to match
the exclusion clause in asylum law with the narrower definition of terrorism in (current) EU
criminal law legislation.
Next, the EU court ruled that
following a later UN Security Council Resolution, assisting with recruitment,
organisation or transport of ‘foreign fighters’ could also fall within the
scope of the exclusion clause. So could ‘participation’ in such activities,
pursuant to Article 12(3) of the EU Directive. It was relevant that the group
in question was listed as terrorist by the UN Security Council, and
particularly relevant that the person concerned had been convicted of terrorist
offences in Belgium.
Comments
The Court’s judgment asserts a
broad scope of the exclusion clause, meaning that a degree of support for ‘foreign
fighters’ will also result in exclusion from refugee status. In doing so, it
answers the claims of those who believe that many refugees are ‘jihadists’.
Simply put, anyone who has been directly involved in terrorist acts (B and D) or in facilitating the
activities of ‘foreign fighters’ (today’s judgment) is not entitled to refugee
status. Although the judgment does not mention it, this aligns the
interpretation of the exclusion clause to some extent with recent developments
in criminal law, namely the 2015 Protocol
to the Council of Europe Convention on the prevention of terrorism, and the
agreed revision
of the EU’s anti-terrorism laws.
But the judgment cannot help
leaving some difficult questions open. What if the asylum-seeker has not been
convicted of terrorist offences anywhere, but there are allegations of such
action? Since a conviction is particularly relevant to applying the exclusion
clause, would a lack of such conviction conversely be particularly relevant in
determining that the clause should not apply? Would that assessment be
different if the person had been acquitted, or if an investigation or trial was
pending? If the criminal law process was pending, should the asylum
determination process be put on hold? What if the authorities had claimed to
have information supplied from the security services, and were reluctant to
bring criminal proceedings in order to preserve their sources and intelligence
capability?
What if there is a criminal
conviction for terrorism from another country – particularly in the
asylum-seeker’s country of origin, which might define criticism of the
government as ‘terrorism’? Similarly what about ‘provocation’ to terrorism,
which might include ‘glorification’ of terrorist acts, according to the revised
EU criminal law? Here the question is to what extent freedom of expression, not
directly connected to violent acts, might justify a refusal of refugee status.
Recent acts remind us that as far as criminal law is concerned, terrorist acts –
and the climate of hatred that surrounds them – are not confined to Islamist
extremists, but stem also from those who fanatically hate minority groups as
well.
Barnard & Peers: chapter 25,
chapter 26
JHA4: chapter I:5, chapter II:5
Photo image: Worldbulletin
Dear Prof. Peers: What happens with those refugees approved for resettlement, who are now stranded in US airports? Is that a breach of international law and Articles 3 and 33 or The Refugee Convention, which the US is a signatory State? I would be grateful and humbled by your clarifications. Many thanks! Tatiani Preifelt
ReplyDeleteThanks for your question, Tatiani. There's a good analysis of those issues by Professor Hathaway here: http://www.hs.fi/ulkomaat/art-2000005066064.html?utm_medium=social&utm_content=www.hs.fi&share=8d26918a78ab1758955c486a26f877c1&utm_source=t.co&utm_campaign=tweet-share
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