Kees Groenendijk, Professor
Emeritus, Radboud University Nijmegen, Netherlands.
The final sentence
of press release 10/20 on the consequences
of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU for the Court of Justice reads: “The Court
of Justice pays tribute to the major contribution of all its former British
members to European integration in general and to the case-law of the Court of
Justice and the General Court in particular.” After all dramatic statements on
the behaviour of British politicians during the 47 years the United Kingdom was
a Member State of the EEC and the EU, it may be right to take a minute to
consider the British contribution to EU law, and EU migration and free movement
law in particular.
Together with their
Irish colleagues, the five British judges and the five British
advocates-general who were members of the Court since 1973 with their
experience as practising common law lawyers unmistakably contributed to the
gradual development of that Court, modelled in the 1957 Treaty of Rome after
the French Conseil d’Etat, towards a more open and dynamic court. The President
of the Court in his speech at the farewell ceremony for the last British judge
praised the British members for their pragmatism, common sense and their
inimitable sense of humour. He also recalled
that the Court only after the arrival of the British and Irish judges started
to cite previous case-law in its judgments “because such citations did not
necessarily form part of the legal traditions of the six original Member States”
– though without adopting a strict rule of stare
decisis.
The British judges and advocates-general
Francis Jacobs, the
longest serving advocate-general (1988-2006), in his conclusions frequently and
ardently pleaded for the protection of human rights and of individual rights in
Community law, even if his pleas were not always immediately accepted by the
Court (Fordham I.L.J (29) 2005, p. 690-715). His handbooks
contributed to Community law being taken serious in the UK and elsewhere inside
and outside Europe – among others The
European Convention on Human Rights (Oxford UP 1975), The Court of Justice of
the European Communities (Sweet & Maxwell 1977) and The Sovereignty of Law: the European Way
(Cambridge UP 2007).
The first British
judge, John Mackenzie Stuart, born, advocate and judge in Scotland, served 16
years in Luxembourg. As President of the Court he stimulate the establishment
of the General Court, to which part of the Court of Justice’s tasks were transferred.
His successor, Gordon Slynn, previously served seven years as Advocate-General.
Judge Slynn’s successor David Edward, the second Scottish judge, at the
occasion of the farewell of his successor wrote an interesting and topical
essay entitled “EU and the Separation of Member States” on separatist
[secessionist?] movements in Catalonia, Scotland and Flanders (Fordham
I.L.J. (36) 2012, p. 1-18).
The penultimate
British judge, Konrad Schiemann, was born in 1937 in Berlin. He survived the
RAF bombardments on that city. Shortly after the War he migrated as an orphan
to family in London. His colleagues at the Court of Appeal at his appointment
in the Court in 2004 asked him what for heaven’s sake he was going to do in
Luxembourg. Possibly the thrust of his answer was given in a speech in 2012 under the title The EU as a Source of Inspiration: in
1957, the year the EEC-Treaty was signed and twelve years after the end of the
Second World War, displaced persons were still living in camps. The last DP
camp in Western Europe closed in 1959. Judge Schiemann was aware of the EU as a
guarantee against the human misery and disruption of war.
Among lawyers on
the continent the last British A-G, Eleanor Sharpston, is known for her original
and lucid conclusions. Her conclusion in the Vethanayagam
case (C-680/17) case clearly illustrated that the Court could have chosen for
an interpretation of the clause on remedies in the Visa Code which would have
supported the rights of many visa applicants and their effective remedy against
a visa refusal rather than allow Member State to impede access to such remedy.
The UK government proposed to continue Sharpston’s tenure during the transitional
period after Brexit during which, there would no longer be a British judge in
the Court of Justice, whilst it may still rule on references of UK courts on
free movement rights of Union nationals in the UK on the basis of the
Withdrawal Agreement. But Barnier, on behalf of the EU, was uncompromising
[unyielding?]. After the appointment of a Greek successor on her chair by the 27
remaining Member States in September 2020, she started cases against the
Council and the Member States before the General Court which within a few weeks
ingloriously ended
in her own Court, illustrating that divorce always hurts.
In his farewell
address the last British judge, Christopher Vadja, son of a Hungarian
(refugee?) father and a German mother, reminded that the UK soon after it
joined the EU recognized the important role of the Court of Justice for the
development of EU law. The judgment in Defrenne
v. SABENA (C-43/75) where the Court held the clause on equal pay for
men and women in the EEC-Treaty to be directly applicable, provided an early
lesson. Between 1973 and 2016 (the year of the Brexit referendum) the UK intervened in 281 cases in support of one of
the parties and presented observations in 718 preliminary references from other
Member States, more than any other Member State. “This policy of active
engagement with the Court was to the benefit not just of the UK, the Court and
the development of European law generally but also of many generations of
English barristers, including myself, who were instructed to represent the UK.”
One could add that his UK tradition contrasts with the practice of other States
entrusting only a limited group of government officials with the representation
in Luxembourg, thus restricting the distribution of knowledge of Union law
among their national bar.
Until the mid-1990s
during the oral hearings the lawyers would read out their pleadings and then go
home. The experience of the last British judge in the General Court: “I
recollect sad hearings from the old times in Luxembourg when days of
preparation and hours of pleadings elicited not a single question.” (….) “[UK]
judges are accustomed to test propositions verbally by asking provocative
questions.” The British members stimulated their colleagues to put question to
the parties. That tradition did not end with the departure of the UK: see a report on the Grand Chamber
hearing on 12 October 2020 in the reference by a Dutch court on the independence
of Polish courts and the European Arrest Warrant (C-354/20 PPU and C-412/20
PPU).
Judge Vadja also pointed
to the limited public access to the hearings of the Court the hearing of the Wightman
case on the question whether a Member State had the right to unilaterally revoke
its Article 50 notification to withdraw from the EU a maximum of 300 persons
could be present in the Grand Salle in Luxembourg. He contrasted this with the
300,000 persons who viewed the first day of the proceedings before the UK
Supreme Court on that court’s live stream of the first
Miller case on the equally
important question whether the Article 50 notification required parliamentary
approval and the more than 12 million views of the hearing before the UK
Supreme Court of the second
Miller case on the prorogation of the UK Parliament. Implicitly, he
stressed the importance of the adage ‘Justice should be seen to be done’. Judge
Vadja concluded his comparison with: “For my part, I look forward to the day
when I can watch my former colleagues in action from the comfort of a sofa
anywhere in the world.”
Common law principles, common history and current
practice in Luxembourg
The President of
the General Court in his address to his departing British colleague Ian
Forrester stressed the important contribution of the common lawyers in the
court in emphasising the need for due
process and procedural fairness. In his words: “Due process should prevail,
even in terrorist cases. As Ian told us repeatedly, due process not only serves
the cause of the defendant, but also the interest of the administration, for
the very simple reason that procedural safeguards lead to better decision
making. (…) [T]he common law tradition
adds a specific procedural dimension to the concept of fairness: the executive
is a party before the judge as any other party. There is no reason why public authorities
should, as a rule, benefit from privileged procedural positions, either as an
appellant or as a defendant. This also applies when it comes to issues like
access to evidence used in court proceedings.”
Judge Forrester, also
from Scotland, started his farewell address
with a short history lesson in French:
“Je
vais vous parler de l’histoire, du droit européen, et de notre cour. Mon père est né en 1899 et a fait
l’entrainement d’un officier d’artillerie mais n’a jamais été déployé en
France. Un oncle a servi en
Gallipoli. Un cousin est mort en
Birmanie. Une histoire familiale assez typique.
Nous avons tous rencontré ceux aujourd’hui fort âgés qui ont des
témoignages étonnants de guerre et de conflit.
Deux juges de la Cour de Justice ont constaté qu’ils s’opposaient lors
de la même bataille en Italie pendant notre dernière guerre civile
européenne. L’ancêtre d’un autre juge
était soldat dans la bataille de Waterloo.
Un collègue me disait juste après le référendum en 2016 que ses deux
grands-pères étaient soldats sur les deux côtés lors de la Bataille de la
Somme. Robert Schumann, fondateur, est
né en Alsace-Lorraine, soldat allemand pendant la première guerre, français
pendant la deuxième. Les guerres ont marqué notre continent.”
Judge Vadja used
the occasion of his departure to give outsiders a look in the kitchen in
Luxembourg. In an extensive
interview he gave an insight in the work of a judge and the processing of
cases inside the Court of Justice from the distribution of cases till the
drafting of a judgment, including useful advice for lawyers pleading before the
Court.
The amicus curiae and the independence of Polish judges
Less than two
months after Brexit, the Court of Justice was confronted with the typical
Anglo-Saxon legal concept of the amicus
curiae, the expert outsider who upon request of the judge or on his own
initiative provides the judge with relevant information for making her decision.
In the ECtHR, which from its inception had more common law influence, the amicus curiae has a considerable history,
codified in rules on third party intervention in Article 36(2) ECHR and Article
44(3) of the ECtHR
Rules of Procedure. UNHCR, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch,
among others, regularly act as amicus curiae in proceedings in Strasbourg.
In the closed
system of participants in proceedings before the Court of Justice the amicus curiae until recently was
unknown. Its absence forces UNHCR to publish its observations on questions of
interpretation of EU asylum instruments pending before the Court of Justice in
notices distributed on the internet and in that way reaching the Court – or alternatively, produced as an annex to the
observations of the lawyer of the asylum seeker (see fn 13 of the AG’s
conclusion in Diakité,
C-285/19).
The Grand Chamber
of the Court in its judgment
of 26 March 2020 in two joined references by Polish courts on the serious threats
to the independence of judges in Poland, summarizes the main points of three
letters of the Polish Ombudsman to the Court. The Ombudsman, who was not a
party in those cases, in his letters pointed among others to the recent Muzzle
Law, which considerably strengthens the new disciplinary regime for judges. That
law was introduced with the aim to nullify the effet of the AK
and others judgment of the Court of 19 November 2019 on the lack of
independence of new disciplinary chamber
(“Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs”) of the Polish Supreme
Court. The Ombudsman referred to the
A-G’s conclusion that the Court did not have sufficient factual and legal
material to enable it to rule on those requests. He described the growing
number of disciplinary proceedings and administrative measures and the adoption
of disciplinary measures against judges. Further, the Ombudsman informed the
Court of Justice that the Polish National Prosecutor recently brought an action
before the disciplinary chamber of the Supreme Court to waive immunity for the
judge who made the reference for a preliminary ruling in one of the joined
cases.
The Court of
Justice noted that its Statute and Rules of Procedure do not provide for the
interested parties referred to in Article 23 of the Statute to submit
observations in response to the A-G’s Opinion. But it also observed that the Court
“may at any time, after hearing the Advocate General, order the reopening of
the oral procedure in accordance with Article 83 of its Rules of
Procedure, in particular if it considers that it lacks sufficient information,
or where a party has, after the close of that part of the procedure, submitted
a new fact which is of such a nature as to have a decisive influence on the
decision of the Court, or where the case must be decided on the basis of an
argument which has not been debated between the interested persons.” The Court
concluded that in this case it had sufficient information and that the new
facts relied on by the Ombudsman “are not of such a nature as to have a
decisive influence on the decision which the Court is called upon to give”
(paras 27-30 of the judgment). The Court held the two references inadmissible because
interpretation of the EU law provisions concerned was not necessary for deciding
the disputes in the main procedures. After reaching that conclusion, however,
the Court extensively reasoned that not being exposed to disciplinary
proceedings or measures for bringing a matter before the Court, which is
exclusively within their jurisdiction, constitutes a guarantee that is
essential to judicial independence (paras 54-59 of the judgment).
Even, if the
information provided by the Ombudsman did not have “decisive influence” on the
outcome of the case, apparently, the Court considered that information to be
relevant. The reference to Article 83 of the Rules of Procedure may well be the
first step in the direction of the amicus curiae in Luxembourg. A month later,
in April 2020, the Court of Justice ordered
Poland to suspend pending disciplinary cases and stop bringing new case
before the disciplinary chamber (C-791/19). That order was ignored by the
Polish authorities and the disciplinary chamber.
Tenacious negotiators
At the Hohenheimer
Tage zum Migrationsrecht, the annual meeting of German immigration, I often
heard German friends complain about the tenacious UK lawyers in the Council Working Groups
during the negotiations on free movement, social rights or some of the asylum
instruments. My standard reply was that the UK negotiators may be persistent,
but once an EU instrument is adopted, the UK, generally, applied it far better
than the Member State who simply copy past the instrument in their national law
and leave every else unchanged in practice.
A sad example of
this persistent negotiating is the reduction of the protection against
expulsion of Union citizens on public order grounds. In 2004 the Council
unanimously agreed to reinforce that protection in the Articles 27 and 28 of
Directive 2004/38, adopted on the day before the accession of ten new Member
States to the Union. Since 2008, the UK repeatedly pleaded in the EU Council of
Ministers to give Member States more room for expulsion after a criminal
conviction. Sometimes other West-European Member States joined this British
plea (see Council document 15903/08
of 8 November 2008 and Council document 10313/13
of 31 May 2013). Each time such proposals met with
opposition from the Commission and got insufficient support in the Council.
In the 2016
pre-Brexit-referendum-deal between PM Cameron and the European Council
(discussed here),
that Council agreed and the Commission promised to propose a considerable
‘softening’ of the public order clauses in Directive 2004/38, in case the UK
remained in the EU. Finally, the UK achieved its aim during the Brexit
negotiations. For EU nationals in the UK and for British nationals in the EU
with residence rights under the EU-UK Withdrawal Agreement the protection
against expulsion on public other grounds will be reduced to the level of the
national legislation for conduct occurred after 2020 (Article 20 of the withdrawal
agreement: see discussion here).
This full renationalisation clearly limits the acquired rights of the millions
of Union citizens who used their free movement rights to and from the UK before
2021.
British courts, lawyers and legal academics
The references by British
courts made an important contribution to the development of the rules on free
movement of Union citizens. A quarter of all CJEU judgments in that field in
2008-2019 were given in answer to preliminary references by British judges. Especially,
their questions concerning the right of permanent residence provide for in
Directive 2004/38 (Dias,
Alarape,
Onuekwere
and Lounes,
discussed here)
and on the admission of durable but unregistered partners of Union citizens (Rahman,
Banger
and S.M.,
discussed here)
have produced some clarity and focus attention in several Member States on their
rights. A bill implementing the last three judgments is currently pending in
the German Bundestag. Almost half of the judgments of the Court of Justice
concerning the rights of third-country national family members of EU citizens were
given in answer to questions from British courts (V. Passalacqua, Legal
mobilisation and the construction of EU migration law,
Florence 2020, diss EUI, p. 8).
Many of those
questions originated in the minds of active UK lawyers, supported by their
Immigration Law Practitioners’ Association (ILPA). Their activities also resulted
in the provision on self-employed Turkish citizens in the EEC-Turkey
association law were taken seriously (in Savas,
Tum
& Dari and Tural
Oguz) by the Court and, subsequently in Member States. The AIRE Centre
(Advice on Individual Rights in Europa) demonstrated how an NGO can stimulate
test cases in Luxembourg. Since 1993, this London based organisation provided
legal assistance and acted as party, intervenor or amicus curiae in more than hundred
cases on human rights or migration before both European courts (for instance, the AIRE Centre acted as amicus curiae in the case on the border gate around Melilla, which
resulted in ECtHR 13 February 2020, app. 8675/15 (N.D. and N.T. v.
Spain), see point 100 and 160-163), and among
those are ten cases before the Court of Justice on free movement or on Dublin
since 2010.
Leading handbooks
on EU migration law or on the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights written or
edited by UK academics such as Cathryn Costello, Elspeth Guild and Steve Peers,
will be gratefully used by lawyers and judges in the EU long after Brexit. The
influence of almost five decades of membership of the same legal order cannot
be brushed away, however gladly some politician would desire.
The greater the
scope of the level playing field agreed in the future agreements between the EU
and the UK, the greater the chance that EU law will remain a voluntary or compulsory
subject at British law faculties, if only because people, businesses and
institutions in the UK will continue to have to deal EU law rules. It will be
for the lawyers in the remaining Member States to honour and profit from the
contributions of their British colleagues, until the time is right for a new
rapprochement.
Photo credit: Unlock