Charlotte O'Brien, Senior Lecturer, York Law School
The Court of Justice’s retreat from the zone of Member
States’ welfare systems hastens. Having once suggested that citizenship is ‘destined to be our fundamental status’, and provides the basis for a ‘degree of financial
solidarity’, the Court had established that EU nationals falling into temporary
difficulties would be entitled to some amount of support from a host state, depending
on how ‘deserving’ the claim seemed to be.
But the Court has shifted away from notions of citizenship, so
there may never be such a thing as a reasonable burden. Having established that
EU migrants claiming social benefits can in principle be subject to a right to
reside test not applied to own nationals in Brey, the Court found in Dano that a case-by-case assessment where someone was deemed to
have moved for the ‘sole’ purpose of claiming benefits was not necessary. This
was expanded in Alimanovic and Garcia Nieto to suggest that jobseekers were not entitled to a
case-by-case assessment either. In Commission v UK we see the CJEU’s desires to accommodate the UK’s
discriminatory tendencies rather usurp the applicable legal framework.
The key tensions at the heart of the case – the
discriminatory effects of the right to reside test, and its application to
family benefits – are glossed over in a brief judgment. The Brey and Dano principles are imported into Regulation 883/2004
(which concerns the coordination of social security in cross-border cases) and
applied to family benefits, while the burden of proof is reversed so that a
discriminating Member State is presumed to be acting lawfully if they brandish
the ‘public finances’ trump card.
The decision finds that the UK is
entitled to apply the ‘right to reside’ test to claimants for Child Benefit and
Child Tax Credit; UK nationals automatically fulfil the test, while EU national
claimants must show that they fulfil the conditions of Article 7 of Directive 2004/38 (which sets out
the main rules on EU citizens moving to another Member State). In short, they must
be workers, or have retained worker status, or be the family members of EU
national workers. This analysis addresses four issues that stand out in the
judgment: (i) the extension of the ‘right to reside’ principle, in paragraph 44
of Brey, to override Article 4 in
regulation 883/2004, and the implications for other benefits; (ii) the issue of
direct versus indirect discrimination and the reversal of the burden of proof
on the issue of justification; (iii) the failure to differentiate between
different ‘types’ of economic inactivity, jettisoning proportionality,
extinguishing EU citizenship, and ignoring the rights of the children; and (iv)
the finding that the UK does not ‘systematically’ check EU nationals’ right to
reside.
(i) Distilling a fundamental principle from para 44 of Brey
Article 4 of Regulation 883/2004
states:
“Unless otherwise provided for by this Regulation, persons to
whom this Regulation applies shall enjoy the same benefits and be subject to
the same obligations under the legislation of any Member State as the nationals
thereof.”
In Brey, the Court sidestepped this equal treatment requirement, by
finding that the benefit at issue was social assistance. This was material to
the lawfulness of the right to reside test – the questions were inextricably
interlinked, and the nature of the benefit ‘must be examined in the context’ of
the right to reside question. The right to reside test was a lawful means to
avoid undue burdens on the ‘social assistance system’.
The classification of the benefit was important in Brey. But in Commission v UK classification is treated as irrelevant – and one
sentence in Brey (there is ‘nothing to prevent, in
principle, the granting of social benefits to Union citizens who are not
economically active being made conditional upon those citizens meeting the
necessary requirements for obtaining a legal right of residence in the host
Member State’) is made to do a lot of legwork – finding that all benefits can
be subject to a discriminatory right to reside test. Article 4 Regulation
883/2004 does not get a look in other than to state that it has not been
infringed.
The Court found that the Regulation deals
with competence, not eligibility for benefits. But this is too simplistic. The
Regulation does govern aspects of eligibility – stating that place of residence
cannot be a deciding factor in many cases; stating that conditions as to
insurance must be capable of being discharged by insurance in other Member
States, and so on; and it provides in Article 4 a principle of equal treatment
for persons subject to the Regulation.
Family benefits are ‘pure’ social
security. There is no basis for finding that they fall within the ‘social
assistance’ exclusions of Directive 2004/38, or for finding that the primary
law requirement of equal treatment in Article 18 TFEU should not apply. There
is no specific provision in the Treaty or secondary law excluding Union
citizens from equal treatment with regard to family benefits. They are squarely
in the material scope of Regulation 883/2004, and so subject to the equal
treatment provision therein. In this way the Regulation offers some protection
to the children in migrating families, since they are typically subjects rather
than agents of migration, and it has usually been accepted that they should not
be penalised for changes in their parents’ work status.
Several provisions might therefore plausibly prevent the
application of a right to reside test to Union citizens claiming a family
benefit. But the Court’s reasoning is short and simple – it quotes the Brey statement. One sentence in a
judgment that dealt with a different category of benefits, where the material
part of that decision is not being followed, is arguably of insufficient legal
weight to displace a presumption of equal treatment, in the absence of a Treaty
provision or express secondary law provision to do the displacing.
The end, contradictory, result, is that the limitations of
Directive 2004/38 are independent of the provisions of Regulation 883/2004, so
the Directive can adopt a wider definition of social assistance, but the equal
treatment provision in Regulation 883/2004 is bound by limitations written into
Directive 2004/38 – limitations intended for different benefits. This judgment
imports the personal scope of Directive 2004/38 into Regulation 883/2004. But
that Regulation has a deliberately wider personal scope. The ECJ made clear that the Regulation’s predecessor,
Regulation 1408/71, was not confined to people in employment in Dodl and
Oberhollenzer. Regulation 883/2004,
far from narrowing the scope of Regulation 1408/71, was enacted to “replace and extend” that instrument. Recital 42 refers explicitly to ‘the new category of
non-active persons, to whom this Regulation has been extended’. Here, the
Court’s finding that such persons will not be left without a competent state,
just without benefit eligibility, is a little simplistic. Extrapolating that
logic, domestic rules may well exclude such people (falling into Article 11
(3)(e)) from the whole material scope of the Regulation – in which case, for
what is that State competent, and why have a category 11(3)(e) at all, other
than to point to whose rules of exclusion
apply?
The implications of the judgment could have ramifications
throughout the EU, for States that have not yet adopted such tests, and for
States that have so far limited them to benefits with an element of social
assistance, who might conceivably roll them out further. It could steepen the welfare cliff edge for those who have been working but who fall out of work (or have been
a family member of a worker and cease to be so). It could result in excluding a
number of workers who cannot adduce sufficient evidence that their activities
meet nationally-imposed definitions of work – e.g. meeting hours or earnings thresholds
continually over a prolonged period of time. And it could result in deepening
child poverty for vulnerable children, whose welfare might otherwise have
received some protection from the coordination scheme. It endorses ‘hand-to-mouth’ citizenship.
(ii) Direct versus indirect discrimination and reversing the burden of proof
The Commission claimed that the rule
created direct discrimination but the Court did not engage with that claim. It
simply reiterated the Brey point, that
there is nothing to prevent right to reside tests, then added that where such
tests are adopted a Member State ‘commits indirect discrimination’.
But the condition is directly
discriminatory. Only EU nationals must provide evidence of a right to reside. Only
EU nationals can be excluded from entitlement due to economic inactivity. The
application of an extra condition to non-nationals was recognised as being
directly discriminatory in Grzelczyk.
The Court slightly confuses things by
pointing out that a ‘residence condition’ is indirectly discriminatory. But the right to reside test
is not a residence condition. It is a
requirement to be economically active and is only applied to EU nationals.
On finding instead that
indirect discrimination was at issue, the Court turned to the question of
justification.
Typically, where a potential
infringement has been made out, it is up to the infringer to demonstrate that
their actions are justified (see O’Flynn and Groener). The Member State must show
that they are pursuing a legitimate aim, that the means are proportionate and
appropriate, and do not go beyond what is necessary.
The justification requirement was rather swiftly dealt with,
as the Court shied away from the judicial kryptonite that is the mention of
public finances. In spite of mounting evidence
that fears of benefit tourism are misplaced, no evidence of a threat to public finances
was required for this aim to be accepted as legitimate. The Court did not ask
whether the test itself was proportionate or appropriate. Instead it asked
whether the checks conducted as part of the test were proportionate and
appropriate.
And here it shifts the burden
of proof to the Commission. The Court summarised the information provided by
the UK noting that claimants must provide a ‘set of data’, and further checks
are carried out ‘only in specific cases’ and ‘only in the event of doubt’.
But the judgment does not
tell us how much data is required of claimants, how many ‘specific’ cases lead
to further checks, or how many cases involve ‘doubt’; the repeated use of the
word ‘only’ without these statistics tells us nothing about scale or proportionality.
Instead it is up to the Commission to show
that ‘such checking does not satisfy the conditions of
proportionality, that it is not
appropriate for securing the attainment of the objective of protecting public
finances or that it goes beyond what is necessary to attain that
objective.’
(iv) Dismissing the rest of Brey: jettisoning proportionality, extinguishing
EU citizenship, and ignoring the children
Given the reliance placed upon para
44 in Brey, para 45 is conspicuous by
its absence; it added ‘However, it is important that the
requirements for obtaining that right of residence… are themselves consistent
with EU law’.
And in Brey the
Court found that EU law precluded the automatic barring of economically
inactive persons from entitlement to benefits without assessment of their
individual circumstances. Relevant circumstances included the duration of
residence, amount of income, amount and duration of benefit claimed, etc.
This is the proportionality route to
entitlement – where Union citizenship in theory offers a safety net for those
who fall between the categories in Directive 2004/38. It allows for some
differentiation based on circumstances, recognising that the label of ‘economic
inactivity’ can mask a wide range of residence, economic and integration
histories, and benefit claims may represent a wide range of claims of varying
degrees of reasonableness.
In recent cases we have seen the
Court retreat from this approach, finding that a case-by-case assessment was
not necessary where the claimant at issue might be a benefit tourist, or where
she was a jobseeker. Here, this aspect of Brey
goes unmentioned, other than when summarising the Commission’s argument that
the test is ‘an automatic mechanism that systematically and ineluctably bars
claimants’ from benefits.
The Court did not engage with this
argument. It appeared to consider automatic exclusion inherently lawful: ‘As
the United Kingdom submitted at the hearing, legality of the claimant’s
residence in its territory is a substantive condition which economically
inactive persons must meet in order to be eligible for the social benefits at
issue’.
The absence of an
alternative ground for eligibility for those deemed economically inactive is
striking in EU law terms, (even if it is rather old news in the UK), since it
marks a departure from the ‘real link’ case law, whereby nearly-blanket rules
had to have some
proportionality-based exceptions. And it sends any Union citizenship-based
right to equal treatment (Article 18 TFEU) up in smoke. It permits treating all
‘economically inactive’ migrants as equally worthless, regardless of their
degree of integration into society, regardless of their, or their family’s employment
history, and regardless of the circumstances that have led to a loss of worker
status. And it permits the total erasure of children’s rights from the factors
to be considered, even though it is their
rights and their welfare being contested – Child Benefit and Child Tax Credit
are specifically designed to address costs of protecting child welfare. In a report analysing
recent welfare changes, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has already
expressed ‘serious concerns’ about the UK’s imposition of cuts to tax credits
‘regardless of the needs of the households’ concerned. The right to reside test
goes further, being not merely a cut but a disentitlement for affected
children, even if they were born in the UK and have no significant links with
their State of nationality.
The
Brey formulation treated as so
pivotal, permitting right to reside tests, had itself rested on a series of EU citizenship
cases, which established and developed the ‘real link’ concept. Para 44 cited Martinez Sala, Grzelczyk,
Trojani,
Bidar and Förster, all of which precluded the use of blanket
rules, and all of which required some assessment of circumstances of the case.
So
the reliance upon the Brey
formulation becomes even less persuasive, in light of the departure from all of
the authorities upon which that formulation rests. Cases establishing the
rights attendant upon EU citizenship cannot credibly be used to make those
rights and that status disappear.
(v) The systematic verification obfuscation
Article 14(2) of Directive 2004/38
allows Member States to verify whether the residence conditions set out in that
directive are met ‘in specific cases where there is a reasonable doubt’, adding
that such verification ‘shall not be carried out systematically’.
As noted above, the Court found that the checking done by
the UK did not amount to systematic verification. But this finding would have
been helped by some analysis of Article 14(2) and the distinction between permitted
checks and prohibited verification.
The government’s own announcements suggest there is
something systematic going on. The government announced
in 2014 that restrictions to benefits for EU nationals would be ‘augmented by
additional HMRC compliance checks to improve detection of when EEA migrants
cease to be entitled to these benefits. The
checks will apply to all EEA migrant claims’. The Budget made clear that
these checks would be applied to ‘new and existing awards’. In responding to a Freedom of Information
request, the government confirmed that it had been carrying out ‘increased
compliance checks’, issuing letters ‘targeted at EU/EEA Nationals’ requesting
further information and/or evidence to check that claimants met entitlement
conditions for Child benefit and Child Tax Credit.
Moreover, claimants face routine requirements for
‘documentary evidence’ of entitlement, and a ‘wide range of checks and an
annual review’ in all cases of cross-border claims.
It is difficult to know what would
infringe Article 14(2).
To summarise, this judgment seems driven by the teleology noted in the Advocate General’s Opinion
– to avoid offending the UK government at all costs. The difficulty is that the
legal framework does not very easily bend to the desired outcome. The Court has
seized upon one sentence in a previous judgment, and clung to it as providing
all the necessary authority to override any conflicting legal principle. The
Court avoids dwelling too much on the relative weight of legal principles, by simply
skipping the analysis. Article 4 of Regulation 883/2004; Article 18 TFEU; the
prohibition of direct, as opposed to indirect discrimination; the
appropriateness of the right to reside test; the effects of Brey with regard to proportionality; EU
citizenship; Article 14(2) of Directive 2004/38… they get little, if any, attention.
Primary law and secondary law are presumptively displaced in the face of a
fragment of a judgment that the Court is choosing not to follow – a fragment
taken out of context, and pitted against the authorities upon which it is based.
The Court has missed an opportunity to engage in a
principled and honest review of the directly discriminatory nature of tests
that impose conditions of economic activity on EU nationals but not on own nationals.
That in itself is not surprising, since the legal fiction that such tests are
indirectly discriminatory seems to be the pragmatic acceptance of a politically
necessity. But in allowing such tests to seep beyond protection of the ‘social
assistance system’ and to govern eligibility for all benefits related to
‘public finances’, in dismissing the equal treatment provisions in primary and
secondary law, in importing conditions to curb the personal scope of Regulation
883/2004, in reversing the burden of proof for justification, and deferring to
the public finances trump card, the Court has divined from recent case law a
higher, fundamental principle of exclusion, and a default of discrimination. The
children of economically inactive EU nationals are now, in EU terms, officially
irrelevant, since right to reside tests that exclude them wholesale from
entitlement get the green light, with no requirements for citizenship, real
links or proportionality to play a part. This may seem an inevitable result of
the prevailing political wind, but a little more discipline would have been
welcome, to address the legal bases that were engaged, and to keep the judgment
more carefully confined. Instead what we have is light on authority, but sweeping
in its potential reach and detrimental effects upon Union citizenship and on EU
national children.
Barnard & Peers: chapter 13
Photo credit: www.telegraph.com
Until very recently, the Commission was touting Citizenship of the Union and all of its benefits (including access to child support for all) as the great achievement of the EU. This is now unravelling, at the behest of rather right wing austerity-prone governments. History will be the judge -- but this could turn out to be just one more step towards institutional suicide. If the EU has nothing to offer its citizens -- and increasingly this is already becoming a mainstream view -- then it can continue to exist only by virtue of being imposed from the top. Forget the democratic deficit: this could end up as some authoritarian, not to say fascist, political structure.
ReplyDeleteNot much help for the Bremain campaign, really.
The contrary view is that EU citizenship - certainly social citizenship - was too much for a large swathe of public opinion to accept, particularly in light of increased numbers and a desire to blame someone else for economic problems, and so contributed to jeopardising the very existence of the EU.
DeleteYes, although it's not really a contradiction. Any public policy -- such as free movement rights -- which has a significant impact can be criticised by those who dislike the impact. It boils down to a democratically accountable set of policies: do EU citizens want to be able to move, live and work freely across Europe or not? The idiots in the UK want to have the right at least to travel freely (and maybe retire abroad) but not to allow others the same rights. It's called wanting to have your cake and eat it.
DeleteThank you very much for a truly informative analysis of the judgment. I have a question regarding the reversal of the burden of proof. Could it be that the Court ruled in this manner because it wishes to overrule the Baumbast rule (i.e. the fact that national rules implementing limitations and conditions within the meaning of Article 21(1) TFEU must be in line with the proportionality principle)? In other words, could this symbolise that now Member States can justify their national measures by simply proving that they are acting in line with Directive 2004/38 (paras 82-84), in which case it then falls to the Commission to show that the relevant national provisions are disproportionate?
ReplyDeletePossibly, that is consistent with other recent benefits judgments plus the latest ruling in NA.
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