Simon Cox, lawyer at the Open Society Justice Initiative*
Last week’s CJEU
judgment in C-83/14
CHEZ v Nikolova shows the important role of the CJEU to advance the
struggle of Roma communities against systematic discrimination by businesses
and Governments. Moreover, the Grand Chamber ruling on equal treatment establishes
a powerful tool for districts marginalized by powerful actors.
The case is a
great example of how the CJEU can empower lower national courts. The Bulgarian
Anti-Discrimination Commission had repeatedly condemned as discriminatory the practice
of electricity company CHEZ (aka CEZ) of placing meters out of reach of
consumers only in Roma districts. But CHEZ – a powerful company in Bulgaria and
Czech Republic - had persuaded the Supreme Court to reverse these rulings. To go
over the head of the Supreme Court, the Anti-Discrimination Commission referred
questions to the CJEU in Belov.
But the CJEU ruled the Commission was not a court and rejected the reference as
inadmissible. So the Sofia Administrative Court used the Nikolova case – an
appeal by CHEZ already before it – to refer similar questions. This led to CHEZ
judgment, in which the CJEU – though charged only with interpreting the law –
helps the national court with a clear evidential and factual path to draft a
judgment to survive further appeal.
Ms Nikolova is
not Roma. Two arguments were made against her because of this. First, that a
practice affecting a district could only be indirectly discriminatory on
grounds of ethnic origin if everyone in the district had that ethnic
origin. Second, that Ms Nikolova could not complain of discrimination. CHEZ
accepted that the idea of ‘discrimination by association’ could extend the
category of persons beyond those of Roma origin, but denied Ms Nikolova was
sufficiently ‘associated’ with her Roma neighbours.
The Court
rejected these arguments, ruling that the purpose of the Directive is to end
discrimination on grounds of racial or ethnic origin, not only to
protect individual members of groups who are targeted by discrimination
(para 56). Accepting Ms
Nikolova’s arguments, the CJEU repeated the passage from paragraph 50 of Coleman affirming that there is discrimination
against any person who, on account of those grounds, suffers less favourable
treatment or a particular disadvantage – regardless of the race or ethnic
origin of that person. So, if a measure against a district is based on grounds
of the Roma origin of the district’s majority, then the minority in that
district are also victims of that discriminatory measure.
Through this
approach, the CJEU affirms that the principle of equal treatment empowers every
affected individual – and the courts - to end discrimination by all available
means, urgently and effectively. Simplifying the law strengthens the ability of
oppressed communities to combat discrimination. Challenges will surely continue
to be made predominantly by people with the race or ethnicity on which the
discrimination is based. But the court defeats CHEZ’s attempt to require that
applicants ‘prove’ their own ethnicity and limits the enquiry to whether there
is discrimination and if so whether this discrimination affects the claimant.
The Court ruled
that CHEZ’s practice is direct discrimination, if the ethnicity of the
majority is the reason for the practice, for example, if CHEZ selected the
districts because of their Roma population (para 76).
The court made a
fundamentally important ruling on indirect discrimination: this requires any measure
disadvantaging a Roma majority district which is not applied to non-Roma
majority districts to be objectively justified. CHEZ wanted a narrow
interpretation of the comparator district, arguing that Ms Nikolova’s district
could only be compared to districts with similar levels of interference with
electricity meters. The Court rejected this, ruling that the appropriate
comparators are other urban districts provided with electricity by CHEZ (para
90).
These rulings on
‘district discrimination’ are very powerful tools. Politically weak communities
may be treated badly by government or business in areas like transport, power,
schooling and other amenities. Where this differential treatment follows
differences in ethnic make-up of districts, then groups or individuals in the
district can use the ruling to bring discrimination claims. Courts can order
disclosure of documents, to see if race was a factor in decision-making, as the
CJEU affirmed at paragraph 78. Where it was not a factor, the CJEU ruling on
comparators means authorities must show that the objective differences between
the districts justify the differential treatment. They may struggle to justify denial
of transport provision or electricity connection, or extortionate insurance or
service charges.
The final important
piece of the judgment is justification. The Court ruled that, even if race was
no factor in CHEZ’s decisions, the practice was seen by others as effectively
labelling a Roma community as electricity thieves, regardless of their payment
history and behavior. In the context of anti-Roma stereotypes, the measure was
seriously harmful. Agreeing with Ms Nikolova, the Court ruled that such a
practice is incapable of justification. The community has a right under
EU law to enjoy access to electricity “in conditions which are not of an
offensive or stigmatising nature and which enable them to monitor their electricity
consumption regularly”: para 128.
What happened to
the notion of ‘discrimination by association’? The CJEU accepted Ms Nikolova’s
argument that this is not part of EU law. It was the label attached by
practitioners and academics to the Coleman
judgment, but not one the Court had adopted. Like paragraph 50 of Coleman, which
the court cites, the Nikolova judgment makes no mention of ‘by association’. Dee Masters and Siȃn McKinley have argued
that this approach makes indirect discrimination unworkable in certain
situations. A coach reservation fee bears more heavily on people whose
disability gives rise to a need to be accompanied. The concept of ‘association’
is needed, they argue, to limit the class of potential claimants to persons
needed to accompany the disabled person. But this scenario is different from
Nikolova, where the measure applied only to users in the majority-Roma districts,
thereby putting all those users at a disadvantage when compared with users in a
different district. In the coach scenario, the charging practice applies to all
coach passengers. The differential disadvantage arises from the disability of
the passenger, not their membership of the larger affected group. The passenger
with a disability can complain about the negative impact of the fee for their
seat and that for the companion. Indeed, the companion may also argue that the
principle of equal treatment has been wronged as regards them. But a person who
has neither a relevant disability nor is a companion of such a person is not
affected by a differential impact on grounds of anyone’s disability. Ms
Nikolova was – she had a disadvantage compared to users in non-Roma districts.
CHEZ has
responded to the judgment by pointing
to recent deaths by electrocution in other parts of Bulgaria of people
attempting to make irregular connections: but it has not made meters inaccessible
in these districts. EVN, a different Bulgarian electricity provider, contradicted
CHEZ’s concerns about electricity theft. In the majority-Roma district in
Stoliponovo – where EVN put the meters at a normal level some years ago - 95%
of charges are paid. According to EVN, the real problem with electricity theft
in Bulgaria is professionals and rich people running hotels, pubs and ski
resorts.
The case now
returns to the Sofia Administrative Court, where Ms Nikolova will seek
an order that CHEZ restore the meters to their normal height for all users
in her district.
*Simon Cox is a lawyer at
the Open Society Justice Initiative and represented Ms Nikolova before the CJEU.
The Open Society Justice Initiative works to make law a more effective tool
against racial discrimination.
Barnard & Peers: chapter 20
Photo: Bjorn Steinz, Open Society Foundation
Steve,
ReplyDeleteI know this is not relevant to this post, but I wonder if you can clear something up for me. I have seen some scaremongering on the web, and I am engaged in debate about this. Some uninformed people are saying that there is a "new Lisbon" treaty on the cards. I decided not to be pedantic and tell them that it would not be called the Lisbon Treaty, as the Lisbon treaty is only amendments to the TFEU. I have heard of no such plans for any new treaty changes. Also, I am under the impression that treaty changes take several years before they can be voted upon, as evidenced by the fact Mr. Cameron cannot get treaty change before the referendum. Please can you clear this up for me?
Nic
There are no discussions on a Treaty amendment ongoing or imminent. There might be at some point in the next few years to deal with single currency issues, Cameron's proposals (after the referendum vote) or other issues (or a combination of these) but that is not certain at the moment. I can't believe that this would be called the 'New Lisbon Treaty'.
DeleteThanks, Steve.
DeleteI was of the same opinion. I am certain that even with the EUs covert methods of operation and future Treaties would have been publicised.
Nic
It's simply impossible to draft Treaty amendments covertly, there are too many formal steps to go through from the very start of the negotiation process. Starting with the Treaty of Nice negotiations most drafts circulated during Treaty negotiations are put online quickly. Ratification of Treaty amendments has to go through national parliaments; that can't be done covertly either.
DeleteI wonder if the national courts are really empowered by the EU court. Is it not so that they are empowered by the principle of state sovereignty since the peace in Westphalia. The states in turn has delegated certain powers to the EU institutions.
ReplyDeleteThe national courts therefore should only have the powers that their national constitutions gives them, but in certain legal acts (EU law) an additional court is added in the mix (the EU court) which only has powers to finally interpret the EU law in the light of the EU constitution. In national law matters the national courts have their old powers intact.
I am afraid that saying "CJEU can empower lower national courts." risks confusing the matters (if you agree with me in the sources of power)
But that is what the CJEU traditionally does, and lower national courts go along with it because it is a route to boosting their role within the national judicial system. Karen Alter has written about this process in detail.
Delete