Alexander Hoogenboom, PhD, MSc.
LL.M. Senior Policy Officer at the Dutch Healthcare Authority and associate
researcher at the Institute for Transnational and Euregional cross border
cooperation and Mobility, Faculty of law, Maastricht University. The position
taken in this paper solely reflects the views of the author.
Introduction
Recent case law of
the Court of Justice on EU citizens’ access to benefits has been seen by some
as a restrictive turn compared to prior case law, in response to a rise in
populism. However, the article
by Davies in a recent special issue of the Journal of European Public
Policy is to be commended for its original take on this alleged ‘turn to
restrictiveness’. The goal of his article is, as I see it, questioning whether
the Court has indeed recently become stricter (in the sense of more
State-friendly, less Union citizen-friendly) in response to the populist turn
in the European political landscape. In that vein, Davies submits, contrary to
what he sees is the main thrust in the scholarship, that the court has been
‘normatively consistent’ (see also this research
paper he authored) and that the perceived difference in recent litigation outcomes
from the golden years of Union citizenship are due to the litigants being less ‘deserving’
of access to benefits provided by the host Member State: ‘what goes in will
provide an overwhelmingly plausible explanation of the outcomes on its own’.
This argument is
supported by relying on a methodology for measuring the ‘deservedness’ of the
litigants based on a set of indicators: the ‘good behaviour’ of the applicant, the
possibility for exceptional harm should the benefit be denied, the possible
cost to society resulting from the grant of a benefit (e.g. because it is
long-term or applies to a large category of persons), whether granting the
benefit would mandate a particular positive outcome and whether the State was
somehow at fault for the specific conundrum that the litigant finds him or herself
in. The more ‘deserving’ (high contribution
to society, low cost), the greater the likelihood of a litigant-positive
result.
Applying these
criteria to a selection of case law, Davies proceeds to show that indeed, the
Dano’s (never worked, never integrated, lacked resources for self-support) of
the world seem to be less deserving of benefits than the Sala’s (long-term
legal resident, child benefit denied due to a technicality by an inconsistent
state). (On the Dano case – the first
judgment showing the perceived turn toward a stricter approach – see the
discussion here).
There are, however,
a few issues one could take with this approach. In part, it is questionable
whether the facts as available to scholars of EU law decisions allow one to
accurately apply the proposed test – especially given that the publication of
the Reports for the Hearing was abolished since 2012 (see also para 119 of the
AG opinion in Breyer).
This is exacerbated, as Davies admits, by the fact that a negative outcome
throws its shadow forwards: one then tends to present the facts in such a way as
to support the later conclusion.
In part, it is
questionable whether deservedness is objectively verifiable: after all, one
could also argue that the rise of populism or say an economic crisis – the
‘times we live in’ – simply provide a different kind of lens through which to
view the migratory Union citizen. The same fresh-faced youth enrolling in
higher education in a Member State different from the one of his nationality
can be cast as a self-improving, future productive member of that society
(compare to Gravier,
para 24) or as a welfare-abusing, locust-like creature eating his or her fill
and subsequently returning from whence he or she came (see the main arguments
by Belgium and Austria in the the judgment in Bressol).
However, the main
challenge I would like to level is that the methodology suggested is applied to
an incomplete ‘data set’ (the cases), in part due to selection bias (the focus in
the article on the cases ‘most discussed’).
Grzelczyk by another name: The curious case of Förster
The case of Grzelczyk
is among those used by Davies to support his thesis: his particular
circumstances ‘paint a sympathetic picture’. A hard-working young Frenchman,
resident in Belgium for some time and whose claim to financial support finish
his last few months of study would seem altogether reasonable. Indeed, the
Court, while leaving it to the national court to make the final decision,
seemed to suggest he should be so entitled.
Nonetheless, the
Court was not so generous in Förster.
Jacqueline Förster was a German national who grew up in a town not far from the
Dutch border. She moved to and resided in the Netherlands from March 2000 onwards
– partly to be with her Dutch boyfriend. There, she enrolled into a teacher
training programme and later in a course on educational theory at the
Hogeschool van Amsterdam. In the period 2000-2002 she undertook various
part-time jobs, until she engaged in full-time paid practical training at a
Dutch school providing secondary education for children with special needs (October
2002 – June 2003). After her practical training she did not engage in gainful
employment until July 2004. She graduated from her course that summer.
At stake was the
intermezzo period: the Dutch Student Benefit Authority (then called IB-Groep)
assessed in 2005 that she had not been eligible for study maintenance
assistance in the second half of 2003 and ordered her to repay the amounts
received.
It would seem to me
that Ms. Förster ticked practically the same as mr. Grzelczyk. Measuring her
‘deservedness’ according to the matrix suggested by Davies we find:
- Good behaviour: self-support initially (three years), enrolled in
studies and contributing to Dutch society even during her studies in her
practical training period. Advocate-General Mazàk moreover made the explicit
point that she did not seem to have moved with the goal of claiming benefits.
- Exceptional harm: Although the withdrawal of the benefit was retroactive,
when assessing her right to access the benefit as matters stood in 2003 one
could plausibly maintain that, as with Grzelczyk, non-access to the benefit
would have made the completion of the degree much more difficult.
- The support requested covered only a limited time: at issue was a six-month
period only.
- Limited cost of the support: As with Grzelczyk, this aspect is hard to
estimate.
- Positive outcomes: the completion of the degree would enable her to
contribute to Dutch society and economy as a teacher.
- State at fault: One could make the argument that given the fact that
they had initially granted her the benefit and only much later (some one and a
half years) took the final decision to recover the amount, should count against
the Dutch state.
Finally, in
addition to these elements from Davies’ deservedness matrix, the applicant had
a relationship with a Dutch national and given her work, presumably, spoke
fluent Dutch – both elements that the Court in other cases has found relevant
when assessing eligibility to benefits (see Prinz
and Seeberger, for instance).
All in all, one
would assume, from the methodology applied that this applicant should be
successful, or that should have led to a ‘discretionary-result-with-a-hint-in-favour-of-the
applicant’. Yet, she categorically lost her case, notwithstanding the
suggestion by the Advocate-General to consider the circumstances of the case
along the lines suggested above. Yes, the conclusion was (partly) mandated by the
EU citizens’ Directive 2004/38, but the Court certainly did not ‘bend over
backwards to find exceptions to [this] restriction’ as his matrix would
predict.
The big turnaround: Commission
v Austria and Commission
v the Netherlands
The cases of Commission v Austria and Commission v the Netherlands are perhaps
even more glaring. The issue concerned a travel benefit aimed at students
attending higher education. In the Austrian case, decided in 2012, Austria
argued that it could refuse access to the benefit where the Union citizen in
question had not yet obtained a right to permanent residence (a five-year prior
residence requirement in practice). In contrast, the Court found that all
persons enrolled in higher education should have automatic access.
The case is
somewhat hard to fit into the matrix, but intuitively one could argue that the
Court was not swayed by the hypothetical good behaviour of potential
beneficiaries (no prior residence requirements, no integration), nor was the
benefit for a limited time (it could last the entire study period), all persons
enrolled in higher education persons were eligible (no ‘limited costs’) and it
is hard to imagine an ‘exceptional harm’ had the benefit been denied to the
hypothetical applicant. Notwithstanding this apparent lack of deservedness, however,
a positive outcome for the hypothetical beneficiaries.
In 2016, in Commission v the Netherlands, the Court
reached the opposite conclusion. The benefit at issue was in all respects the
same as at stake in Commission v Austria (Table
taken from A. Hoogenboom, Balancing Student Mobility Rights and National
Higher Education Autonomy in the European Union (BRILL, 2017)):
|
Austria
|
The Netherlands
|
Nature of the
benefit
|
Fee reduction for
the use of public transport (grant)
|
Free use of
public transport on some days of the week; reduced fees on the other days
(conditional grant)
|
Apparent purpose
|
To facilitate
access to education
|
To facilitate
access to education
|
Provision
|
Commercial public
transport operators
|
Commercial public
transport operators
|
Financing
|
The individual
governments of several Länder
|
Central Dutch
government
|
Recipient
|
Student
|
Student
|
Eligibility
|
Enrolment higher
education
Parents in
receipt of Austrian family allowances
|
Enrolment in
higher education.
Student in
receipt of Dutch studiefinanciering
|
Here the Court
decided that the Netherlands could restrict the benefit along the terms
suggested by Austria in the earlier case. It stretched the limits of
consistency by trying to distinguish the latter case with a bizarre reference
to the difference in national classification of the benefit, despite it being
settled case law that such classifications are irrelevant - a point the Court
itself made in Commission v Austria.
So here we initially
have a judgment against the State and in favour of the Union citizen, whereas
the matrix would likely predict a judgment in favour of the State. Four years
later the Court came, on largely the same facts, to the opposite conclusion.
This should not be seen as a (late) vindication of the matrix however, since
the Court formally distinguished the latter case from the former, meaning that
both cases continue to be good law.
Conclusion
Whereas the line of
inquiry presented in Davies’ paper is an interesting one, it cannot account
adequately account for the existence of Förster
and the Commission v Austria/Netherlands saga.
Apparently deserving applicants get rejected, and the same benefit with a
similar hypothetical user base gets a different legal treatment in the space of
a few years. Two possible explanations suggest themselves:
- The Court is not consistent. This would mean that Davies’ hypothesis is
disproven.
- The matrix presented, by which the court supposedly measures
deservedness, is flawed. This goes to the methodology used and means that we simply
haven’t found calculus that the Court uses.
It would seem to me
that the existence of both Commission v
Austria and Commission v the
Netherlands as ‘good law’ seems to hint at the former. In any case,
however, to argue that the Court of Justice is normatively consistent, on the
basis of the analysis carried out by Davies, is a bridge too far.
Barnard
& Peers: chapter 13
Photo credit: i
newspaper
Decisions of the Court remind me of random walk ...
ReplyDeleteI think my original post got lost in cyberspace - if not apologies for repetition.
ReplyDeleteAnyway, I agree with you although I have not read Davies' piece so cannot comment on that. I would add that in my opinion the Court has also an emotional response to different claimants (sort of unconscious bias) see Ruiz Zambrano versus Dereci, and obviously the reasoning in Dano. Also if Dano had been decided according to previous case law the end result would have been the same (she would have failed on proportionality), but instead we see a departure from using the Treaty as a supplementary tool. One might say that this is justified having regard to the Directive 2004/38 and the reference in the Treaty to limits and conditions - but it is a considerable departure from the Baumbast approach. The question is of course how far that interpretation stretches.
I agree with you. Looking at previous case law the outcome in Dano was predictable. The problem is that the reasoning used puts in doubt the whole spectrum that (to my mind at least) existed between the Dano's and Sala's (and even Sala herself given that she did not reside in Germany on the basis of EU law). So all in all it would seem to me a significant departure that cannot be explained simply on the basis of the characteristics of the litigant...
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