Steve Peers
Should research which
Eurosceptics don’t like be ignored, if the academics who publish it, or the
institutions they work for, have ever received money from the EU? That’s the
insinuation of at least some Eurosceptics, not only in response to this week’s research
on the positive benefits of the free movement of EU citizens, but also as
regards me in particular.
It’s tempting to ignore this line
of argument, as indeed I did when it was first used against me last year. But I
suspect that it will be used again and again in the build-up to a referendum on
British exit from the EU (in the event that we have one), in an attempt to instantly
discredit anyone who submits objective evidence supporting the pro-European side
of the debate. So it’s important to
tackle this line of argument right now.
Claims of bias
First, the most recent case. Following
the publication of the study on the economic benefits of free movement, co-authored
by Professor Christian Dustmann of
University College London (UCL), Dan Hannan, a (nominally) Conservative Member
of the European Parliament (MEP), tweeted that UCL received 53 million
euro in EU funding in 2013. He stated that he hadn’t been going to mention
this, but ‘so many Europhiles object to anyone even *mentioning* the figure’. (The
co-author of the paper, Tommasso Frattini, is an Assistant Professor at the
University of Milan).
Secondly, my own case. Last year,
I gave evidence at the House of Commons Home Affairs Committee on the UK’s planned
opt-out from aspects of EU policing and criminal law (you can see the full
transcript here). Mark Reckless – then a Conservative MP, who has since
defected to UKIP – asked me about my sources of funding (see questions 167 and
168). First, he asked how much money I received from the EU institutions. I
replied that almost of my income came from the University of Essex, my main
employer. But I have done some consultancy work occasionally from the European
Parliament and European Commission. I estimated that the money from that work
constitutes about 1-2% of my income.
But that wasn’t enough for
Reckless. He then asked what funding the University
of Essex as a whole received from the EU. He clarified that this referred
to all income, not just any funding directly linked to my own research. Since I
didn’t have the figure to hand, I replied that I there was no EU funding
directly linked to my own work, but I assumed that some my colleagues across
the University had obtained some.
Hannan and Reckless are ostensibly
now in different parties, but they are close friends. While neither of them
make explicit claims of bias (and Reckless could have hidden behind parliamentary
immunity if he had), their questions and statements have an obvious insinuation:
that researchers who receive money directly from the EU, or whose employer
receives money from the EU, are biased.
Let’s address these claims in
reverse order.
Is there a pro-EU bias?
First of all, a point about how British
parliamentary committees work. I have given evidence at a number of them over
the years, and also served as a Special Adviser for one enquiry by the House of
Lords Select Committee on the EU. A basic feature of the process of calling
witnesses to the committees is that they are informed in advance of the
questions which they can expect to be asked. In the case above, I was not
informed about Mark Reckless’ questions. He has now joined a party that
purports to stand up for basic British values; but his behaviour toward me
displayed neither of the traditional British virtues of good manners or fair
play.
So are institutions which receive
EU money biased, leaning on their staff to churn out pro-EU propaganda? At the
outset, I can see why their own experience might lead Eurosceptics to think
that. Many of them are also climate change deniers, and as George Monbiot has pointed out, the main ‘scientific institutes’ denying climate change are
extensively funded by the oil and gas industry.
Is that true of universities
though? They all have to publish independently audited accounts each year – in much
the same way that Nigel Farage does not. So let’s look at the UCL figures first,
to put their EU income in perspective. Its total income in 2012-13 was £940
million, of which £39 million came from the EU. That’s 4.1% of their total income.
What about the University of
Essex? If Reckless really wanted to know how much money it received from the
EU, he could looked at its annual accounts – it’s the first reference
from the University’s entry in Wikipedia. But obviously he was more interested
in trying to ambush me.
The Essex accounts show that the
University received £2.9 million out of its total income of £146 million from
EU grants. That’s 2.0% of its total income – neatly corresponding to my
estimate about the share of my own income that comes from the EU. (I should
emphasise here that as always, the opinions I express are my own, not that of my
employer, or anyone else).
Is it possible that the small share
of a university’s overall income which comes from the EU could bias the results
of the research work done at that university? While obviously universities
value all of the income which they receive, it is equally obvious that any
proven claim of bias would damage the position of the reputation of the university
as a whole, and certainly individual researchers’ access to research funding in
future.
In the case of Essex, for
instance, the research money coming from the EU is dwarfed by £20 million in
funding coming from research councils, and £9 million coming from the general
research grant (which is based on an assessment of the quality of our staff’s published
research). Put bluntly, we would have a lot more to lose, than to gain, if we
produced crap research to satisfy the whims of the European Commission.
Let me also answer this question
from personal experience. Throughout my time working at the University of
Essex, it’s obvious that the University (like all UK universities) wants us to
apply for and obtain as many research grants as possible, from the EU and
anyone else. Of course we have to tailor research funding applications to the subject-matter that the funding body
wants to fund in this funding round. But I have never been put under the
slightest pressure from my employer to alter the content of my research to ‘suck up’ to the Commission, or anyone
else.
This brings me to the second head
of the argument: that individual researchers have a pro-EU bias because of the
EU funding which they receive. I can only speak for myself when answering this
point.
Anyone familiar with my work
would surely laugh at the insinuation that I am a shameless supplicant of the
EU institutions. To take just a few examples, I described the EU’s data retention
Directive as a ‘sell-out foretold’, and just last week on this blog, I
characterised a recent CJEU judgment as ‘head-banging’. At one conference, Sir
Francis Jacobs (a former Advocate-General of the CJEU) introduced me as ‘one of
the Court’s severest critics’. At another conference, a former Council official
described how during his time at the Council, its fiercest enemies were myself
and Tony Bunyan, the director of Statewatch.
More broadly, my general impression,
based on two decades working in the field, is that other specialists in EU law
and politics, like me, start from a broadly pro-European perspective but have
no compunction about criticising the EU institutions whenever they think it’s justifiable.
Finally, there’s now a
considerable irony in Reckless’ ambush on my supposed bias. The party which he
has recently joined, in a desperate bid to obtain EU funding within the European
Parliament, has brought on board a party member from a Polish party whose
leader jokes about violence against women, and denies the Holocaust. Even if I
had prostrated myself before the EU institutions in a bid to receive their
money, it would have been a million times less unethical than teaming up with a
Holocaust denier to the same end.
To adapt the old saying, people who dishonour the terrible
legacy of Kristallnacht shouldn’t
throw stones.
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