Showing posts with label Infringement procedure. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Infringement procedure. Show all posts

Wednesday, 27 November 2019

The Three Villains and the Lifeblood of the European Union Project – Advocate General Sharpton’s Opinion in C-715/17 (the asylum relocation mechanism)




Niels Kirst, PhD candidate in EU law, Dublin City University

The Backdrop of the Migration Crisis

Recently, Advocate General Sharpston (hereafter ‘the AG’) had to give her opinion on the failure to implement Decisions of the Council regarding the relocation of migrants within the European Union. The opinion deserves distinction due to its firmness and its comprehensive categorization of the concept of solidarity in the European Union legal order. The case itself has a political importance since it relates to the ongoing rule of law crisis within the European Union.

The case concerned the Area of Freedom, Justice and Security (hereafter ‘AFJS’), Article 72 TFEU (the safeguard clause) and the Dublin Regulation, which allocates responsibility for asylum applications within the EU. In the proceedings, the European Commission (hereafter ‘the Commission’) brought infringement proceedings under Article 258 TFEU against Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic for not implementing Decisions of the Council within their legal order. The case occurred at the Court of Justice of the European Union (hereafter ‘the Court’ or ‘Court of Justice’) as a direct cause of the migration crisis of 2015 in the European Union.

In September 2015 the migration crisis in the European Union was in full swing. Italy and Greece were overwhelmed by the number of migrants arriving at their shores each day. In response, on the 14th and 22nd of September 2015 respectively, the Council decided in urgently convened meetings that provisional measures are necessary to support Greece and Italy, which under the provisions of the Dublin Regulation, had to bear the highest burden in the migration crisis. This emergency was caused by a sudden influx of migrants into the European Union due to the military conflict in Syria.

In consequence, the Council (by qualified majority), agreed on Decision 2015/1523 and Decision 2015/1601 (hereafter ‘Relocation Decisions’ – discussed further here). The Council used Article 78 (3) TFEU as legal basis for the decisions, which provides the following: “In the event of one or more Member States being confronted by an emergency situation characterised by a sudden inflow of nationals of third countries, the Council, on a proposal from the Commission, may adopt provisional measures for the benefit of the Member State(s) concerned.” The article is located in Title V of the Treaty which deals with the AFJS and the common asylum and immigration policy of the European Union.

In an earlier proceeding, the legality of Decision 2015/1601 was unsuccessfully challenged by the Slovak Republic and Hungary (the judgment is discussed here). Having said that, the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary decided to not follow the Relocation Decisions since they regarded them as a threat to their internal security. The essential question of the present proceedings was, therefore, if the three defendant Member States can advance a claim that absolves them of their obligations under the Relocation Decisions? (see para. 69 of the Opinion)

The Factual Background

The Relocation Decisions by the Council required the allocation of, respectively, 40 000 and 120 000 applicants for international protection within the Member States of the European Union. The Relocations Decisions required Member States to pledge a certain number of applicants, which would be identified by Greece and Italy and subsequentially be transferred to the pledging Member State.

Poland, while initially pledging to take 100 applicants, did not relocate any applicant. Hungary did not pledge to the Commission to accept any applicants. The Czech Republic pledged to the Commission to take 30 applicants, from which 12 have been relocated. (see para. 72) In response, the Commission noted in its Fifteenth Report on relocation and resettlement in 2016 that, "Hungary and Poland remain the only Member States that have not relocated a single person […]. Moreover, the Czech Republic has not pledged since May 2016 and has not relocated anyone since August 2016."

The Substance of the Case

After rejecting a long line of merely procedural challenges of admissibility the AG declared the infringement proceedings brought by the Commission admissible. The challenges of admissibility by the Member States were unfounded in so far as they did not undermine the valid purpose and the legal interest of the Commission in bringing the proceedings.

The AG started her substantive assessment of the case by pointing out that Decisions of the Council pursuant to Article 288 TFEU are binding upon the Member States and that the relevant Decisions are intra-vires as in so far the earlier challenge on legality of one of the Decisions brought by the Slovak Republic and Hungary was dismissed as unfounded by the Court. (para. 153 – 157)

The Commission alleged in its claims that the Member States failed to comply with the pledging requirement on the one hand, and with the relocation requirement on the other hand. By failing to pledge to take any asylum seekers the three Member States consequently also failed to effectively take any asylum seekers. This argument was supported by the AG since the failing to pledge necessarily also fails to relocate. (para. 170 – 171) 

After supporting the Commission’s arguments concerning the factual basis, the AG shifted to the assessment to the justifications of the defendants for their non-compliance with the Relocation Decisions. This gave the AG the possibility to comment extensively on very fundamental concepts of European Union law – namely, the principles of sincere cooperation, the rule of law, and European Union solidarity.

Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic raised two substantial justifications for their non-compliance with EU law. Respectively, that Article 72 TFEU, read in conjunction with Article 4 (2) TEU allowed Member States to disapply the Relocation Decisions, and that the Relocation Decisions created a dysfunctional system. (para. 172 – 174) The Commission countered these arguments by pointing to the necessity of effet utile of EU law and the principle of solidarity, which is a fundamental principle of EU law. (para. 175)

Article 72 TFEU, which was the main defence raised by the three Member States, provides the following: “This Title shall not affect the exercise of the responsibilities incumbent upon Member States with regard to the maintenance of law and order and the safeguarding of internal security.” The three Member States used this article as justification which relieves them from their obligation to comply with the Relocation Decisions. The Commission argued that Article 72 TFEU should be interpreted similarly to the limitations for public security, et al, that apply to the fundamental freedoms of the internal market. (para. 187)

Regarding Article 72 TFEU, the AG first touched upon the concepts of ‘law and order’ and ‘internal security’ which are essential for understanding the scope of that article. Therefore, the AG turned to the three previous occasions in which the article had been treated by the Court: respectively Adil, A and Slovak Republic and Hungary v Council. (para. 190 – 194)

The AG acknowledged that the judgment in Slovak Republic and Hungary v Council foreshadowed the arguments which had been raised by the three defendants in the present proceedings. The AG cited the following crucial paragraph of the judgment in this regard, “If that mechanism were ineffective because it requires Member States to check large numbers of persons in a short time, such practical difficulties are not inherent in the mechanism and must, should they arise, be resolved in the spirit of cooperation and mutual trust between the authorities of the Member States […].” (para. 194)

On the concepts of ‘public order and security’ the AG pointed out that there must be a sufficiently serious threat affecting one of the fundamental interests of the society to establish a public order intervention (N, discussed here) and that the concept of security cannot be determined unilaterally by each Member State without any control by the institutions of the European Union (Zh and O, discussed here). (para. 196 – 201)

The AG pointed specifically to the judgment in Bouchereau in the realm of the fundamental internal market freedoms, in which the Court found that it is the personal conduct of the individual concerned that must be assessed to determine whether there is a threat to the community of the Member State in question. (para. 199) The assessment of the personal conduct of the individual regarding the concepts of public order and security was crucial in the AG’s assessment.

Regarding Article 72 TFEU, the AG stated that the Article can only serve as a derogation measure in case the European Union legislator disregarded to take account of that obligation when drafting EU secondary law in the area of AFJS. (para. 202) However, in the present case, the European Union legislator did acknowledge the concepts of public order and security when it drafted the Relocation Decisions. Respectively, Article 5 (4) and 5 (7) of the Relocation Decisions took into account the concern of security as they gave right to Member States to refuse an applicant on reasonable grounds. (para. 203)

According to the AG, "it was perfectly possible for them to preserve the safety and welfare of citizens by refusing (on the basis of the Relocation Decisions themselves) to take applicant X, […]." (para. 207) However, they refrained to take that route and instead decided to entirely not apply the Decisions to safeguard their internal security.

Furthermore, the AG clarified that Article 72 TFEU may not be used in this way. It is not a conflict of laws rule which give the Member States competence over measure enacted by the EU legislature; instead, it is a rule of co-existence under the principle of subsidiarity. (para. 212) To substantiate this claim, the AG cited Factortame, NN (L) International, and Commission v Hungary to find that Article 72 TFEU is not a carte blanche to disapply any valid measure of EU secondary law with which a Member State disagrees. (para. 214 – 221)

In conclusion, the AG pointed to the measures which exist in EU law, regarding the safeguarding of security and public order, which allow Member States to deny a particular applicant entrance into a Member State. However, the AG clarified that there is no general pre-emption of EU secondary law by Article 72 TFEU. (para. 223)

Regarding the invocation of the principle of national identity enshrined in Article 4 (2) TEU by the three Member States, AG Sharpston again pointed to the case-law: Commission v Luxembourg, in which the Court held that national identity cannot lead to a general exclusion of applicants due to their nationality. There are less restrictive means to preserve the social and cultural cohesion of a society. In analogy, the AG applied this concept to find that a general exclusion of asylum applicants cannot be sustained. (para. 224 – 227)

Finally, all three defendants raised the claim that the Relocation mechanism was dysfunctional and that the dysfunctionality exposed them to a hardly assessable security risk. Further, the Czech Republic claimed that it would have been pointless to pledge certain numbers to the Commission since the majority of applicants would have been undocumented in any case, and the Czech Republic would be unable to assess the risk that such undocumented migrants pose to the country. (para. 228 – 229)

The AG rebutted the arguments by pointing to the principle of solidarity which requires the Member States to support each other in a situation of emergency, which was present during the migration crisis. Further, there would have been other means for the Member States concerned to express their fear of the dysfunctionality of the system. For example, by applying for temporary suspension of their obligations under the Decisions, as done by Austria and Sweden. (para. 234 – 235) Consequently, the AG opined to uphold the infringement against the three Member States.

Additional Remarks by the Advocate General

In the final part of the Opinion, the AG commented on the concepts of the rule of law, the duty of sincere cooperation and the concept of solidarity within the European Union. Concerning the rule of law, the AG noticed its primordial importance recognised in Article 2 TEU and the case-law of the Court (the most recent rule of law judgment is discussed here). Specifically, the AG remarked, "at a deeper level, respect for the rule of law implies compliance with one's legal obligations. Disregarding those obligations, in a particular instance, [when] they are unwelcome or unpopular is a dangerous first step towards the breakdown of the orderly and structured society governed by the rule of law which, as citizens, we enjoy both for its comfort and safety." (para. 241)

Concerning the duty of sincere cooperation, the AG clarified that this principle builds upon the common values of all EU Member States as enshrined in Article 2 TEU. These common values allow mutual trust among them which subsequentially enables mutual recognition in the realm of AFJS. Against this backdrop, the principle of sincere cooperation has to be understood. The AG assessed that the principle of sincere cooperation has been manifestly mistreated by the conduct of the three Member States. (para. 242 – 245)

Concerning Solidarity, the AG referred to the founding fathers of the ‘European project’, to find that only their openness and spirit to one another enable the European Union to flourish. Famously, the Schuman Declaration recognized solidarity as a cornerstone. Subsequently, the Court echoed that call for solidarity in Klöckner-Werke v Commission and formally recognized the principle of solidarity in Eridania zuccherifici nazionali and Others. (para. 246 – 251)

Moreover, the AG recognized that the principle of solidarity requires burden-sharing as seen in Grzelczyk and Bidar. Particularly, the AG stated that "Solidarity is the lifeblood of the European project. Through their participation in that project and their citizenship of the European Union, Member States and their nationals have obligations as well as benefits, duties as well as rights. Sharing the European ‘demos’ is not a matter of looking through the Treaties and the secondary legislation to see what one can claim. It also requires one to shoulder collective responsibility and (yes) burdens to further the common good.” (para. 251 – 255)

Comment

The significance of this opinion cannot be overstated. Due to the pending departure of the United Kingdom from the European Union, this could have well been the last Opinion from the British Advocate General Eleanor Sharpston. This may explain the length, accuracy and profundity of the opinion. Indeed, the Opinion provides a fully-fledged account of some of the core principles of European Union law and their respective case-law. The opinion will likely find its way into the canon of significant AGs' opinions – most notably concerning the reconstruction of what solidarity within the European project means, entails and what it requires by the Member States.

While touching upon core principles of European Union law, the opinion also clarifies the obligations of Member States under Decisions of the Council in the realm of AFJS. The Opinion gives guidance concerning the concepts of security and public order in EU law and assess the position of Article 72 TFEU in the EU legal order. Article 72 TFEU does not serve as a general derogation clause for Member States when they do not agree with a specific measure, instead, Article 72 TFEU applies only for particular cases under individual assessment or, when the EU has failed to take security and public order into account during the legislative process.

Besides, the Opinion has also a significant relevance in the ongoing rule of law crisis in the European Union. The proceeding before the Court concerned a case of disregard of secondary EU law by Member States. This disregard was presumably based on a national preference of not taking any applications for asylum. The Opinion clarifies that the rule of law in the European Union requires not only the independence of the national legal system but also, and foremost, the respect for and implementation of valid European Regulations, Directives and Decisions.

The key take-away of the opinion is the emphasis and the account on solidarity by the AG. Solidarity is essential for the functioning of the European legal order, as well as for the flourishing of the European project. By spanning a frame from the founding fathers of the European Union project to the migration crisis in the European Union of today, the AG distils the purpose and the idea of European solidarity. The European Union is not a system of cherry-picking of only the good parts while denying the burdens and obligations which also come with the membership. Instead, benefits and burdens have to be shared equally in the spirit of European Union solidarity.

Barnard & Peers: chapter 26
JHA4: chapter I:5
Photo credit: The Malta Independent


Sunday, 30 June 2019

The beginning of the end for Poland’s so-called “judicial reforms”? Some thoughts on the ECJ ruling in Commission v Poland (Independence of the Supreme Court case)




Laurent Pech, Professor of European Law, Middlesex University London

Sébastien Platon, Professor of Public Law, University of Bordeaux

Imagine a faraway land where a government and a parliament dominated by the same party decide to retroactively lower the retirement age of the judges working for the country’s supreme court. Imagine that this change is being presented as a “reform” (allegedly) needed to hold to account judges (allegedly) “shamefully involved” in the country’s previous communist regime which however ended about thirty years ago. Imagine that all of this done with authorities claiming “there is nothing going on in [the country] that contravenes the rule of law” as “judges should always be on the side of the state”.

Surely we cannot be talking about a country belonging to the EU. Sadly, you would be wrong to think so. Indeed, the retirement measure described above was at the heart of the infringement action initiated by the European Commission against Poland last July and which resulted, earlier this week, in the European Court of Justice’s first ruling on the compatibility with EU law of one of Poland’s so-called “judicial reforms”. 

This post will explain the extent to which the Court’s ruling may be considered a landmark one, and the Court’s main findings, before assessing the ruling’s immediate and potential impact.

1. A landmark ruling

For the very first time, the Court of Justice has found a national government to have failed to fulfil its obligations under the second paragraph of Article 19(1) TEU which provides that “Member States shall provide remedies sufficient to ensure effective legal protection in the fields covered by Union law.” This is far however from the only “EU law first” one may “credit” to the current Polish authorities:

-          Poland was indeed the first ever EU Member State to be subject to the Commission’s Rule of Law Framework in January 2016;
-          The first EU Member State to be threatened with the payment a fine of at least €100,000 per day in November 2017 by the ECJ should it continue to ignore an interim order adopted by the same Court in July 2017;
-          The first EU Member State to be subject to Article 7(1) TEU proceedings in December 2017;
-          The first EU Member State to have seen its “judicial reforms” provisionally suspended by the ECJ via two interim orders adopted in October and December 2018.

It has now become the first EU Member State to have been found by the ECJ to have failed to fulfil its Treaty obligations by violating both the principles of the irremovability of judges and judicial independence.

As will be shown below, the Court has forcefully and compellingly rejected each one of claims made by the Polish government, including the most recurrent one whereby the Court of Justice would lack jurisdiction to review the multiple, never-ending changes made to the organisation of the Polish judiciary.

2. The Court’s findings

2.1 Organisation of the Polish national justice system as an allegedly exclusive competence immune to EU review

According to the Polish government, supported by the Hungarian government, the organisation of the national justice system constitutes a competence reserved exclusively to the Member States, which would imply that that EU institutions, including the Court of Justice, cannot examine Poland’s “judicial reforms” in light of EU law requirements.

The Court easily explains why this argument cannot survive any serious scrutiny and does so by initially and unusually reminding the Polish government that “as is apparent from Article 49 TEU, which provides the possibility for any European State to apply to become a member” of the EU, Poland “freely and voluntarily committed” itself to respecting and promoting “the common values referred to in Article 2 TEU”, including the rule of law (§ 42). Furthermore, while the Court agrees that “the organisation of justice in the Member States falls within the competence of those Member States”, this obviously cannot be construed as a carte blanche to violate its EU law obligations, not to mention the fact that requiring Poland to comply with its EU law obligations is not akin in any way to exercising “that competence itself” (§ 52). This is merely a reminder of the longstanding difference between the applicability of EU law and the competence of the EU, which explains why EU law can apply in situations where the EU has no competence to legislate.

With respect to the Polish government’s argument that the EU principle of judicial independence can be applicable only in situations governed under EU law, the Court merely reiterates what it previously held in the Portuguese judges ruling. National authorities must respect the principle of judicial independence even in situations where national “judicial reforms” do not implement EU law. Article 19(1) TEU indeed covers any national court which may rule “on questions concerning the application or interpretation of EU law”, in which case any national measure affecting the independence of the said court falls within the fields covered by EU law.

In the present case, it was obvious that Article 19(1) TEU was applicable as it was common ground that Poland’s Supreme Court “may be called upon to rule on questions concerning the application or interpretation of EU law and that, as a ‘court or tribunal’, within the meaning of EU law, it comes within the Polish judicial system in the ‘fields covered by Union law’ … so that that court must meet the requirements of effective judicial protection” (§ 52). It follows that Polish authorities cannot adopt measures which undermine its independence without activating the application of EU law.

2.2 The lowering of retirement age as allegedly required to bring the Supreme Court’s retirement regime in line with the general retirement regime

According the Polish government, it follows from the Court’s own case law, that “that the Member States retain the option to adapt the employment conditions applicable to judges and, thus, their retirement age, in particular in order, as in the present case, to bring that retirement age into line with that provided for in the general retirement scheme, while improving the age structure of officers of the court concerned” (§ 67).

Anyone familiar with the situation in Poland would have immediately found this defence rather surprising. Indeed, the ruling party “has long rallied against what it calls a self-serving “caste” of judges who distort justice for ordinary citizens”. Furthermore, the Polish government’s own “White Paper” of March 2018 indicates that “the reform of judicial retirement age is justified with historical experiences of communism, the failure to account for the past for many years, and pathological [sic] mechanisms of the functioning of courts that have been perpetuated for years” (para 99).

Not unsurprisingly, the ECJ easily came to the conclusion that the forced early retirement of Supreme Court judges is not compatible with the principle of irremovabilily, which is a guarantee of independence. While phrasing this delicately, the Court all but explicitly states that the Polish government has deliberately sought to mislead it when it refers to the information contained in the “explanatory memorandum to the draft New Law on the Supreme Court” and on the basis of which one may have “serious doubts as to whether the reform of the retirement age” was not in fact made “with the aim of side-lining a certain group of judges of that court” (§ 82).

The Court could have stopped there but if only to make it clearer to any future government which might be tempted to follow a similar path, the Court proceeds to perform a proportionality test. In a few words, the Court sees no reason why, for the sake of standardising retirement age, the judges of the Supreme Court should be forced into retirement when all other workers have a right to retire (or not) before holding that the lowering of retirement age with immediate effect, without any transitional measure, is in any event disproportionate.

2.3 Discretionary prerogative granted to the Polish President as (allegedly) required to protect the judiciary

While possibly difficult to believe, the Polish government claimed that “the authorisation conferred on the President of the Republic to decide as to whether to allow” Supreme Court judges “to continue to carry out their duties once they have reached retirement age” constitutes a “prerogative, the specific purpose of which is to protect the judiciary both from interference by the legislative authority and from that by the executive authority” (§ 103).

In other words, it is suggested that the Polish President, itself part of the executive, is the best placed to protect the judiciary from interference by both the executive and legislative branches by deciding alone and in the absence of any substantive conditions, procedural rules and access to judicial review, when to authorise a Supreme Court judge not to be forcibly retired. This is by the way the same office holder who has deliberately ignored court orders, repeatedly attacked Polish judges while also questioning the independence of the Polish ECJ judge and the authority of the ECJ. Even Kafka could not have imagined something more Kafkaesque.

For the Court, the inescapable conclusion is that “by granting the President of the Republic the discretion to extend the period of judicial activity of judges of that court beyond the newly fixed retirement age”, Poland has violated Article 19(1) TEU (§ 124). While explaining why this is so, the Court makes noteworthy observations in relation to the new “National Council of the Judiciary” (NCJ), arguably established in breach of the Polish Constitution and since suspended from the European Networks of Councils for the Judiciary (ENCJ) due to its lack of independence. In a nutshell, the Court explains that the prior involvement of the NCJ cannot “save” the presidential extension regime organised by the Law on the Supreme Court as the NCJ has proved unable to deliver properly reasoned opinions based on objective and relevant criteria to the President for the purposes of authorising Supreme Court judges to continue to carry out their duties.

3. Immediate and potential impact

In a strong editorial, the Financial Times described the Court’s ruling as a landmark one which “will help buttress the rule of law in the EU against authoritarian leaders who have been chipping away at democratic checks and balances with impunity”.

We agree with this assessment.

While the ruling addresses only one of the multiple serious rule of law problems identified by the European Commission in its Article 7 proposal, it does not merely fully confirm the accuracy of the Commission’s diagnosis in the present infringement action but also indirectly its general diagnosis regarding the growing systemic threat to the rule of law in Poland. This legal win is also bound to considerably strengthen the weight of the Commission’s arguments within the framework of ongoing Article 7 proceedings.

The Court’s ruling also establishes a solid de facto precedent with respect to any future attempt in Poland or elsewhere to take control of a court via a retroactive lowering of the retirement age of judges under false pretences. The ruling will similarly add to the growing body of evidence which shows repeated violations by the Polish government of the principle of loyal cooperation in its dealings with the Commission, the Council and now the ECJ.

The Court does not explicitly tackle the question of the NCJ, which was established in 2018 in open violation of what the Commission recommended. The ruling however makes it apparent that the consultation of the NCJ cannot be viewed as an effective safeguard to protect judicial independence. The Court will get a chance to make this crystal clear in Joined Cases C-585/18, C-624/18 and C-625/18. One may expect the Court to follow AG Tanchev and find the new NCJ as lacking the required independence from the legislative and executive authorities. The ramifications of such a finding would be extremely significant as it would essentially mean that every single decision made by the ENCJ-suspended NCJ would be have been made by a compromised body acting in breach of its mandate to safeguard the independence of courts and judges. The potential impact could be extremely significant especially as regards the Polish courts which include the “judges” nominated by the tainted NCJ and appointed by the Polish President.

With respect to the new disciplinary system, the Court could not have more clearly indicated that it shares the Commission’s concerns when it stated that its case-law requires that the rules governing the disciplinary regime “must provide the necessary guarantees in order to prevent any risk of that disciplinary regime being used as a system of political control of the content of judicial decisions” (§ 77). This is virtually the same phrasing used by the Commission when it announced the launch of its latest infringement action regarding Poland’s “reforms” on 3 April 2019. We understand this as an implicit encouragement for the Commission to promptly continue with its action. This means inter alia that it is only a matter of time before the so-called “Disciplinary Chamber” is found to violate the requirements of judicial independence required by EU Law. Again, the ramifications of such a finding would be extremely significant as all of the Disciplinary Chamber’s decisions to date would then have been made by a body masquerading as a court.

Notwithstanding the above, the direct practical consequences of the Court’s ruling will remain modest. Indeed, a significant number of Supreme Court judges had previously refused to subject themselves to the plainly unlawful retirement regime both as a matter of Polish constitutional law and EU law, with all relevant Supreme Court judges requested to return to work following the first interim order by the Chief Justice (the President of the Supreme Administrative Court (SAC) did the same in relation to the SAC judges who were forcibly retired as well). Furthermore, Polish authorities essentially conceded defeat after the final interim order adopted by the ECJ last December (while doing so it however sought to discreetly neutralise some pending preliminary ruling requests in order to prevent the ECJ from examining the NCJ and the Supreme Court’s Disciplinary Chamber in light of the EU requirements of judicial independence).

Most importantly, this ruling does not directly engage with one of the decisive issues raised by the Commission: the decision of the Polish President to increase the number of posts within the Supreme Court, which will eventually enable the ruling party to capture it. However, considering the arguably unlawful nature of the procedure having been used by the Polish President to appoint individuals to the Supreme Court, this issue should eventually reach the ECJ as it was the subject of the most recent preliminary ruling request adopted by a not yet captured chamber of Poland’s Supreme Court on 12 June 2019.

While not addressed by the Court’s ruling, it is to be hoped that within the framework of the infringement action regarding the Polish law on ordinary courts, the ECJ will tackle the forced retirement/dismissal of 61 ordinary court judges. In the absence of any pending actions raising this issue, the ECJ is unlikely to be able to address the dismissal of over 70 court presidents (and 70 vice‑presidents) which took place in 2017-18 on the back of a six-month transitional regime “which gave the Minister of Justice the power to arbitrarily dismiss them without any specific criteria, without justification and without judicial review”. Similarly, to the best of our knowledge, there is no legal action which would enable the ECJ to look into the “the very high number of dismissals and demotions among the Polish prosecutors”.

Lastly, one fundamental issue which is yet to reach the ECJ is the lack of effective constitutional review in Poland ever since the Constitutional Tribunal was unlawfully captured in December 2016, and whose independence and credibility, as recently noted by the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, “have been seriously compromised by the persisting controversy surrounding the election and the status of its new President and several of its new judges”. This is a key issue which is however bound to arise sooner or later especially if, on the back of successful electoral results, the current ruling party is unable to resit the temptation to further instrumentalise the captured “Constitutional Tribunal”, for instance to justify non-compliance refuse to comply with ECJ rulings on specious constitutional grounds. 

4. Key lesson

The key lesson we draw from this ruling is that any “dialogue” with authorities engaged in rule of law backsliding should be systematically accompanied with the launch of as many infringement actions as possible and as soon as possible.

In the present case, one may not forget how seemingly difficult some within the Commission found it to accept the need for prompt legal action in the first place. To justify legal inaction, we often heard the argument that Article 7 TEU should be considered a lex specialis and therefore exclude the launch of Article 258 infringement actions on issues already highlighted as problematic under any ongoing Article 7 procedure. As observed by AG Tanchev, Article 7 TEU And Article 258 TFEU must however be considered as separate yet complementary procedures which can be invoked in parallel.

To maximise the effectiveness of infringement actions and “prevent the completion of constitutional capture before any eventual ECJ ruling”, accelerated infringement actions ought to be the default position when a Member State openly violates the rule of law. The Commission ought to also systematically request the ECJ to decide these actions under an expedited procedure while also simultaneously request relevant interim measures so as to prevent authorities from changing the facts on the ground before the ECJ is able to issue final rulings.

What the Commission has done and achieved in the present case should be commended. It should also be “considered the new template to follow” whenever judicial independence of national courts is under threat due to autocratically-minded authorities.

Barnard & Peers: chapter 9, chapter 10
Photo credit: France 24

Monday, 22 October 2018

Interim Revolutions: the CJEU gives its first interim measures ruling on the rule of law in Poland



Daniel Sarmiento,  Professor of EU Law at the University Complutense of Madrid*

The decision of 19 October of the Vice-President of the Court of Justice, ordering the Republic of Poland to suspend the effects of the Judiciary Reform Act and, in particular, to ensure that no sitting judge is removed as a result of the new retirement age, is revolutionary to say the least. The Court has entered a terra incognita, a place where no previous European court had ever entered into, forcing a sovereign Member State to choose between its membership to the club of European integration, or to walk away and follow the path of authoritarian illiberalism. To do this in an Order of interim measures, without hearing the defendant Member State, and two days before a crucial regional and local election in Poland, is quite a gamble on the part of the Luxembourg court.

However, the stakes are so high that the Court was left with hardly any other choices. Unfortunately the Polish government has triggered a process and a style of governance that has eventually cornered it into an untenable position, a no-prisoners approach in which EU Institutions have now no other choice but to stand firm and keep calm. In contrast with other illiberal governments within the Union, notably Hungary, the Polish crisis is acutely visceral and radical.

Looking at the Order from a strictly legal angle, the decision is quite an event and a ground-breaking precedent. Interim measures are exceptional means to ensure the effectiveness of a procedure, but they are mostly used to suspend the effects of EU acts. Challenges before the Court will usually involve private applicants questioning the legality of, for example, Commission decisions. The scenario in which a Member State acts as a defendant to which an interim measure can be imposed, is basically limited to infringement procedures brought by the Commission or by another Member State on the grounds of Article 258 TFEU. These kinds of interim measures are hardly ever requested, for the Commission is well aware of the reluctance of the Court to order Member States to act or refrain from acting in provisional terms. Such interim relief is granted on the grounds of Article 279 TFEU, a provision that gives the Court ample discretion to be creative about the kind of interim measure that the case deserves, but in practice they are scarcely requested and, as a result, hardly ever granted.

In Friday’s Order, the Vice-President has not granted ordinary interim relief on the grounds of Article 279 TFEU, but a particularly urgent kind of relief. The Order relies on Article 160(7) of the Rules of Procedure, which allows the Court to rule prior to hearing the defendant Member State. These interim measures are used when the urgency is such, that the order must be granted immediately and therefore with no time to hear the defendant party. Therefore, there will be another decision on the interim measures soon, once Poland has been heard in writing and, most probably, in the course of an oral hearing.

Furthermore, the Order is retroactive. The Judiciary Reform Act introduced a new retirement age for judges set at 65 years of age, and since its entry into force it has already served as a legal cover for the retirement of several sitting judges. Despite the fact that the Act had been suspended by the Supreme Court as a result of a preliminary reference sent to Luxembourg this summer, some of its provisions have already produced effects. Therefore, the Order imposes on Poland a retroactive suspension of effects that deploys the rulings’ effects from the moment of entry into force of the Act.

And finally, the Order steps into a terrain which has traditionally been handled with the utmost care by the Court, but which is now an arena in which the Court seems comfortable to rule in far-reaching ways. When a similar action was brought by the Commission against Hungary’s reform of the judiciary in 2012, the grounds of review were linked to Directive 2000/78 and discrimination on the grounds of age. A rather low-profile approach for a case that involved very special “workers”, as is the case of national judges. However, this time around the Commission has brought the case against Poland on the grounds of Article 19 TEU, which states that the EU’s judiciary is composed of both EU and national courts, acting in conformity with fundamental rights and in full independence. This independence is now being questioned by the Polish reforms. There is hardly any other provision of EU law at stake, but this has been deemed to be sufficient by the Commission to bring such a case, and the Court appears willing to play ball. There are good arguments about competence that could be used against the Commission, but it seems that one thing is to reform a national judiciary, and quite another to launch a full-blown attack on the independence of all the high courts of the land. The Commission appears to be committed to fight the latter, but Poland will certainly argue that the competence of the Union is shaky to say the least.

Nevertheless, last week’s Order has been slowly and carefully brewed in the Luxembourg futuristic anneau. In the landmark case of the Portuguese judges, rendered in early 2018, the Court set the tone for this new ground of review, and stated that Article 19 TEU, including its reference to independence, is a relevant parameter of review of national measures. Shortly before, in the case of the Polish forest of Białowieża, the Court ruled that in case of breach of an interim measure addressed to a Member State, penalty payments and pecuniary sanctions can be imposed by the Court at the request of the Commission, on a careful but daring interpretation by analogy with Article 260 TFEU (which provides for the Court to impose monetary penalties in certain circumstances). Before the 2018 summer holiday, in the LM case, the Court sent yet another powerful message by stating that judicial cooperation with Poland in the field of criminal law could come to an end In Poland if the European Council finally triggers Article 7 TEU proceedings against the Member State. Last week’s Order seems to be another piece in this terribly complex jigsaw puzzle that the Polish challenge is proving to be.

But the stakes are high and the Polish government knows it. It is no coincidence that the Polish Prosecutor’s Office has recently brought an action before the Constitutional Court arguing that the suspension of effects enacted by the Supreme Court is unconstitutional. If the Constitutional Court sides with the Prosecutor (and the new composition of the Court inclines me to think that it will), the argument could be well extended to Friday’s Order. With that ruling from the Constitutional Court, the Polish argument will probably argue that proceedings in Luxembourg are ultra vires and not applicable in Poland.

At that stage, the showdown will be inevitable and the Commission will have no other choice but to request the enforcement of the Order through Article 260 TFEU. Penalty payments will be imposed and Poland will refuse to pay following the ultra vires rationale. The Financial Regulation will have to be interpreted creatively so that the amounts receivable are offset by forthcoming payments to Poland. After all, Poland is a net beneficiary of the EU budget and it will not be difficult to ensure that the penalty payments effectively end in the coffers of the EU budget and not in the pockets of the Polish government. At that point, the Polish government will have to explain to its citizens why the generous contributions coming from Europe start to decline. The blame game might work for a time, but at some point the Polish people will realize that their government is not only risking their benefits, but even their European Union membership.

Whatever the result might be, the Court seems committed to playing the role that it has been anticipating for several months now. Nothing appears to be stopping the Court from playing hardball in this new chapter of European integration, in which “integration through law” has now turned, to the surprise and concern of us all, into “integration through the rule of law”. A nice but worrying twist that puts Europe on the eve of a new chapter, in its always bumpy road towards peace and prosperity in the continent.

*Reblogged with permission from the Despite our Differences blog
Barnard & Peers: chapter 10
Photo credit: New York Times

Friday, 9 March 2018

Dispute settlement and the ECJ in the draft withdrawal agreement




Professor Steve Peers, University of Essex*

One of the most contentious issues in EU/UK relations after Brexit is going to be the extent to which there is still some residual connection between the UK and the EU’s Court of Justice. At first, that issue will arise in the withdrawal agreement which is being negotiated, a draft of which was tabled by the EU Commission last week. It will eventually arise to some extent also in the future relationship between the two sides, but let’s focus on the withdrawal agreement for now.

In this blog post, I analyse the main issues, annotate part of the proposed withdrawal agreement, and propose a number of amendments to the text. Note that some issues raised are particularly relevant to the acquired rights of EU27 and UK citizens – which will be the subject of my next annotation and analysis. (I have previously annotated and analysed the proposed text on the transition (implementation) period, and the Irish border).

Structure of the withdrawal agreement

The main provisions on dispute settlement appear in the “Final Provisions” in Part Six of the draft withdrawal agreement (Articles 151-168).

Within Part Six, there are four titles:

-          Title I on “Consistent Interpretation and Application” (Articles 151-156), which covers some aspects of ECJ jurisdiction, plus also a national authority in the UK to defend EU27 citizens’ rights, and other provisions;

-          Title II on “Institutional Provisions” (Articles 157-159), which sets up the Joint Committee to monitor and apply the Agreement;

-          Title III on “Dispute Settlement” (Articles 160-165), which contains provisions on the ECJ as well as unilateral sanctions; and

-          Title IV on “Final Provisions” (Articles 166-168).

However, for a full understanding of the issues, it’s also necessary to mention some aspects of the other Parts of the draft agreement, which comprises: the “Common Provisions” in Part One (Articles 1-7); Part Two on citizens’ rights (Articles 8-35); the “separation provisions” (Part Three: Articles 36-120); the transition (or implementation) period (Part Four: Articles 121-126); the financial settlement (Part Five: Articles 127-150); the “Final Provisions” in Part Six (Articles 151-168); and the Protocols on Ireland and UK bases on Cyprus (the latter Protocol is blank so far).

Broader context

As a Member State, the UK is covered by the ordinary jurisdiction of the ECJ, which comprises, among other things, references from national courts on the interpretation or validity of EU law (Article 267 TFEU), direct challenges to acts of the EU institutions or other bodies (Article 263 TFEU), and infringement actions against Member States which have allegedly violated EU law, usually brought by the EU Commission (Articles 258-260 TFEU).

However, it is unusual for non-EU states to be subject to the ECJ’s jurisdiction. It only has a role when international treaties which the EU has signed make reference to EU law. This is hard to avoid from the EU’s perspective because according to the ECJ’s case law, it breaches EU law for non-EU bodies to give an interpretation of EU law which binds the EU (see Opinion 1/92 and Opinion 1/00).

Dispute settlement, ECJ and the withdrawal agreement: an overview

The first rule in the draft withdrawal agreement relevant to the ECJ appears in Article 4(4), which requires references to EU law in the agreement to be interpreted in accordance with ECJ case law prior to the end of the transition/implementation period. Article 4(5) requires subsequent ECJ case law to be taken into account. EU law is defined broadly in Article 2, and Article 5 states that it includes amendments to EU law going up to the end of the transition/implementation period. Article 4(1) to (3) require that the withdrawal agreement has the same legal effect and rules of interpretation as when the UK was a Member State, and that it be incorporated into primary legislation in the UK. In particular EU27 citizens must be able to invoke directly in UK courts the rules on their acquired rights set out in Part Two of the Agreement.

During the transition/implementation period, the ECJ has its ordinary jurisdiction as regards the UK (Article 126). When that period ends (the Commission proposes the end of 2020: see Article 121), Part Three of the Withdrawal Agreement, on separation provisions, contains a number of special rules on the ECJ’s jurisdiction. Articles 82-87 specify that the Court will retain jurisdiction for any cases pending at the end of the transition/implementation period, and indeed for many cases which relate to events before that date which might be sent to the Court afterward (Article 83). There’s a special rule if the UK does not comply with an administrative decision of an EU body before the end of the transition/implementation period (Article 91).

If the proposed “fallback” rules on the Irish border apply, the ECJ have its ordinary jurisdiction as regards the rules in the Protocol on Ireland indefinitely (Article 11 of the Protocol), and there will be an indefinite requirement to interpret the EU law rules in that Protocol consistently with ECJ case law (Article 12(2) of the Protocol).

As for the core rules on the ECJ and dispute settlement, Part Six opens with special jurisdiction for the CJEU to rule on citizens’ rights issues following requests from courts in the UK for eight years after the end of the transition/implementation period (Article 151). The UK must set up an independent authority to help EU27 citizens enforce those rights (Article 152). Also, the CJEU retains jurisdiction to rule on the separation provisions and EU law aspects of the financial settlement after the end of the transition/implementation period (Article 153).

There will be a Joint Committee set up to monitor and implement the agreement (Articles 157-159); that’s not contentious as such. But the difficult issue will be its role in dispute settlement between the EU and the UK. (Disputes brought by individuals and companies will be thrashed out in the national courts, with possible references to the ECJ in light of its broad proposed jurisdiction).

After the end of the transition/implementation period, a dispute about interpretation between the parties to the agreement would first be discussed in the Joint Committee, which could decide to ask the ECJ to decide it, if both parties agree. After three months, if the dispute was not settled, either party could unilaterally invoke the ECJ’s jurisdiction (Article 162). If the Court’s ruling in that case was allegedly not complied with, the Court could be asked to rule again on the non-compliance, this time imposing a fine (Article 163(1) and (2)). Alongside this there would be the possibility of either side imposing sanctions on the other (Article 163(3)).

Finally, during the transition/implementation period, if the EU side believes that the UK had not complied with an ECJ ruling, it could suspend some internal market benefits for the UK. There is no corresponding power for the UK.

So far the UK has agreed to only parts of these proposals, mainly the points concerning citizens’ rights and the transition/implementation period, along with some aspects of the separation provisions. (See the joint report of the EU and UK from December, discussed here as regards citizens’ rights and here as regards other issues, along with my annotation of the proposals on the transition/implementation period.) It has, in particular, not agreed to the provisions on dispute settlement. 

Comments

Are the Commission’s proposals justified as a matter of law and policy – or are the UK’s objections to them convincing? First of all, the provisions on EU27 citizens’ rights simply elaborate on a previous compromise agreed between the UK and the Commission, concerning special ECJ jurisdiction for eight years and an independent authority in the UK. On the latter point, the Commission’s proposals could be strengthened a great deal, plus there is no justification for delaying the creation of the independent authority until the end of the transition/implementation period, as EU27 citizens will likely need assistance before then. So I have suggested amendments to Articles 152 and 168 of the proposal.

Secondly, the agreed ECJ jurisdiction during the transition/implementation period simply reflects the overall position that EU law and the EU institutions will apply as usual regarding the UK during this period (apart from the absence of UK presence on the institutions). It would have been preferable to “dock” the UK in to the EFTA Court during this period instead, where it would have its own judge, possibly also applying the EEA Treaty for at least some period so that is has greater input into EU law (but applies less of it). But the UK government seems uninterested in this idea.

This brings us to the parts which have not been agreed, and are likely to be controversial. In my view, it is entirely understandable for the UK to aim to limit the jurisdiction of the ECJ post-Brexit as much as possible, on the grounds that it is not a Member State any longer and the ECJ’s jurisdiction over non-EU countries is traditionally limited. Having said that, it’s impossible to avoid the ECJ’s own “red lines” in its case law noted above: it breaches EU law for non-EU bodies to give an interpretation of EU law which binds the EU. The obvious difficulty here for the UK, given its “red line” of avoiding future ECJ jurisdiction, is that the withdrawal agreement inevitably makes a number of references to EU law. There might be less difficulty avoiding the ECJ as regards the future UK/EU relationship – but that depends upon the contested question as to how much EU law the UK will still apply after Brexit.

Seen in that light, the Court’s continuing jurisdiction over separation issues (which detail how various EU laws will cease to apply to the UK) and EU law rules in the financial settlement provisions would be nearly impossible to avoid. Any disputes between the UK and the EU in these provisions could only be settled by the ECJ, due to the ECJ red line. So the jurisdiction on those issues in Article 153 probably has to stay.

It’s a different question as regards non-judicial sanctions, however. First of all, the prospect of unilateral sanctions by the EU against the UK for failure to comply with a judgment during the transition/implementation period is both unnecessary and simply obnoxious.  Unnecessary because – at the EU’s own insistence – the usual jurisdiction of the ECJ will apply during that period, including the remedy of the ECJ imposing fines for lack of compliance with its prior rulings. There’s no time limit problem here, since – again under the Commission’s own proposals – cases against the UK pending at the end of the transition/implementation period won’t simply lapse, but will be decided afterward.  Obnoxious because this remedy would apply to the EU side only (as if no EU27 Member state has ever breached EU law!), it would hypocritically treat the UK as both a Member State and a non-Member State at the same time, and it eschews any attempt at resolving the dispute politically (as well as circumventing the usual requirement for the party alleging the breach to discharge the burden of proof of proving its claim in the ECJ). It’s not even explicit that the EU’s decision could be judicially reviewed – although it would breach the EU principle of the rule of law if it could not be.

Secondly, after the end of the transition/implementation period, it’s more complicated: there would be an attempt at political dispute settlement, followed by a possible jurisdiction for the ECJ, followed (if an ECJ ruling was allegedly not complied with) by a request for the ECJ to apply sanctions. There’s also a random provision allowing for more sanctions, which should be booted into legal orbit forthwith due to its poor legal drafting. 

Here there’s confusion between treating the UK as a Member State (compulsory ECJ jurisdiction) and as a non-Member State (sanctions). The better course would be to accept that it will be a non-Member State – focussing, like the EEA treaty with other non-Member States, on a potential sanction (which either side could apply) if an attempt at dispute settlement fails. The possibility of asking the ECJ to rule could remain as an option, limiting its jurisdiction to the interpretation of EU law.   

All these comments – and some more technical points – are spelled out in more detail in the annotated text of Part Six attached, which also makes a number of suggestions for amendments of the proposed text.

Barnard & Peers: chapter 10, chapter 27

Photo credit: Irish Times

* This blog post was supported by an ESRC Priority Brexit Grant on 'Brexit and UK and EU Immigration Policy'



Annex – proposed text of withdrawal agreement, Part Six, annotated. My comments in italics; proposed amendments in italics and underline.



PART SIX

INSTITUTIONAL AND FINAL PROVISIONS

TITLE I

CONSISTENT INTERPRETATION AND APPLICATION

Article 151

References to the Court of Justice of the European Union concerning Part Two

Where, in a case which has commenced at first instance within eight years from the end of the transition period before a court or tribunal in the United Kingdom, a question is raised concerning the interpretation of Part Two of this Agreement, and where a court or tribunal in the United Kingdom seized with that case considers that a decision on that question is necessary to enable it to give judgment in that case, it may request the Court of Justice of the European Union to give a preliminary ruling on that question. The Court of Justice of the European Union shall have jurisdiction to give preliminary rulings on such requests. The legal effects in the United Kingdom of such preliminary rulings shall be the same as the legal effects of preliminary rulings given pursuant to Article 267 TFEU in the Union and its Member States. 

Background: This reflects part of para 38 of the joint report. It sets the eight-year time limit starting from the end of the transition/implementation period, whereas that starting point was not definitively decided in the joint report, as it noted that discussions on the transition had yet to take place. It specifies that the CJEU’s powers concern the whole of Part Two, not just the vaguer “interpretation of those rights” in the joint report. As agreed, this differs from Article 267 TFEU in that final courts in the UK are not obliged as a rule to refer cases. However, the legal effects of such rulings are the same as under Article 267. That issue was not mentioned in the joint report, but the CJEU has ruled that its judgments (where its jurisdiction exists) must always be binding, even as regards non-EU states (see Opinion 1/91, para 38). It is implicit that the Court’s other jurisdiction (notably on infringement proceedings) will not apply.

According to Article 168, this provision – and the whole of Title I of Part Six (Articles 151 to 156) will only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period. That temporal limitation appears in the text of Article 151, but not Articles 152 to 156.

Comments: It is not clear what will happen to cases pending at the end of this eight-year period. To address such issues, I have a suggested amendment, to add this sentence: After the end of this eight-year period, Articles 82(2) and (3), 83(2) and 85(1) and (2) shall apply mutatis mutandis. This would mean that the CJEU still has jurisdiction for cases pending before it and courts in the UK at the end of that date, and confirm that its judgments after that date will remain binding on the UK. This is perhaps evident anyway from the final sentence and the words “commenced at first instance within eight years” (and from “litigation brought within 8 years” in the joint report), but it is better to confirm it explicitly.

If the transition period were extended, that would in principle have knock-on effects on this Article. It should be noted that there is no time limit on the CJEU’s jurisdiction to rule on the application of this agreement as regards UK citizens in the EU27. Nor is there any other limit on its jurisdiction relating to them (ie final courts will in principle have to send cases concerning them to the CJEU; infringement proceedings can apply).

Article 152

Monitoring of the implementation and application of Part Two

The United Kingdom shall set up an independent Authority to monitor the implementation and application of Part Two. That Authority shall have the power to receive and investigate complaints from Union citizens and their family members, and to conduct inquiries on its own initiative, concerning alleged breaches by administrative authorities of the United Kingdom of their obligations under Part Two. The Authority may make its findings public. Where it considers that the administrative authority concerned has not acted appropriately on its findings, and without prejudice to any remedies available to the Union citizens or family members concerned, the Authority shall have the right to bring a legal action before a competent court or tribunal in the United Kingdom in an appropriate judicial procedure with a view to seeking adequate redress. The Authority shall inform the European Commission of any such legal actions brought before courts or tribunals in the United Kingdom. It may also consult the European Commission before bringing such legal actions and the European Commission may suggest to the Authority to bring such legal actions.

Background: This is based on part of para 40 of the joint report, which provides as follows:

The implementation and application of the citizens' rights Part will be monitored in the Union by the Commission acting in conformity with the Union Treaties. In the UK, this role will be fulfilled by an independent national authority; its scope and functions, including its role in acting on citizens' complaints, will be discussed between the parties in the next phase of the negotiations and reflected in the Withdrawal Agreement. There should be regular exchange of information between the UK Government and the Commission.

Comments: The “scope and functions” of this body, in the proposal, would be: a) “to receive and investigate complaints from Union citizens and their family members”; b) “to conduct inquiries on its own initiative, concerning alleged breaches” of the rules by UK “administrative authorities”; and c) to “bring a legal action before a competent court or tribunal in the United Kingdom in an appropriate judicial procedure with a view to seeking adequate redress”, if it believes that the administration does not react appropriately, “without prejudice to” remedies the EU citizens and their family members have. Implicitly it will not be able to make its own binding decisions on complaints brought to it. As for procedural rules: the authority “may make its findings public; it “shall inform” the Commission on legal actions and “may consult” it beforehand; the Commission may also suggest that the authority brings such actions.

This clause raises certain questions. In light of the recent botched attempt to appoint Toby Young to a university regulator, without following a proper process, there might be some doubts about the integrity of the appointment process. The authority might lack sufficient staff and funding. At the very least, the UK should make a declaration attached to the agreement, specifying more detail on these points. Although the power for the authority to make its own decisions (which the government would have to challenge) would be useful, the proposed powers (broadly comparable to the Commission’s, although there are no details of the process as compared to Article 258-260 TFEU on infringement proceedings) are an essential minimum, and hopefully the UK government will not seek to weaken them. 

The question arises what happens if the authority gives a disappointing reply to a complaint, or fails to reply within a reasonable time. Is there a remedy against the authority in that case? Must its decisions be reasoned? The Commission may be reluctant to push this issue because there are no effective remedies against its infringement decisions following individual complaints – and it likes it that way. There are also questions of whether there will be time limits upon bringing complaints, or upon the authority bringing legal proceedings. The authority does not appear to have the power to bring proceedings as regards general changes to the law, or to comment on them. It seems to have the discretion whether to make its proceedings public. It is not clear that the authority’s power to bring proceedings can lead to a remedy for the complainant; and it would be useful if the authority could submit observations in cases which it didn’t bring itself, in accordance with with Articles 154 and 155.

Substantively, the definition of “family members” logically entails an implied cross-reference to the definition in Article 8, in light of the reference to Part Two. “Union citizens” are defined in Article 2, which applies to the entire agreement.

Note that according to Article 168, this provision will only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period.  This seems highly objectionable, since the UK will be rolling out a “settled status” scheme well before that time, and EU27 nationals may need the assistance this body will offer as soon as possible after Brexit day. I have therefore suggested an amendment to Article 168. In comparison, the Commission’s powers to apply its infringement proceedings powers are unlimited in time.

To ensure that the powers of this authority are effective, I suggest an amendment based on the powers of data protection authorities. It would apply equally to the Commission, although it might be questioned whether such extra powers alter the “essential elements” of its powers pursuant to ECJ case law. I would argue not, since the Commission’s independence from Member States remains intact.

Suggested amendment: The United Kingdom shall set up an Authority to monitor the implementation and application of Part Two. That Authority shall act with complete independence in performing its tasks and exercising its powers in accordance with this agreement. The United Kingdom shall ensure that the Authority has the human, technical and financial resources, premises and infrastructure necessary for the effective performance of its tasks and exercise of its powers.

The Authority shall have the power to receive and investigate complaints from Union citizens and their family members, and to conduct inquiries on its own initiative, concerning alleged breaches by administrative authorities of the United Kingdom of their obligations under Part Two. It shall inform the complainant of the progress and the outcome of the investigation within a reasonable period. [It shall have the power to order the administrative authorities to ensure compliance with this Agreement.] It shall give reasons for its decisions, which shall be subject to effective judicial review.

The Authority shall make its findings public, with the consent of the complainant. Where it considers that the administrative authority concerned has not acted appropriately on its findings, and without prejudice to any remedies available to the Union citizens or family members concerned, the Authority shall have the right to bring a legal action before a competent court or tribunal in the United Kingdom in an appropriate judicial procedure with a view to seeking adequate redress for the benefit of the individual(s) concerned. In other pending cases, the Authority may submit written observations to the courts or the tribunals in the United Kingdom. With the permission of the court or tribunal in question, it may also make oral observations.

The Authority shall inform the European Commission of any such legal actions brought before courts or tribunals in the United Kingdom. It may also consult the European Commission before bringing such legal actions and the European Commission may suggest to the Authority to bring such legal actions. The authority may also suggest to the Commission to commence an infringement procedure in accordance with the Treaties, and may submit observations in accordance with Article 154.

This Article shall apply mutatis mutandis to the Commission.

Article 153

Jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union concerning Parts Three and Five

Without prejudice to Article 83 of this Agreement, Articles 258, 260, and 267 TFEU shall apply in respect of the interpretation and application of Part Three of this Agreement and of applicable Union law referred to in Article 129 and Article 131(1) or (2) of this Agreement. To this effect, any reference made in Articles 258, 260, and 267 TFEU to a Member State shall be read as including the United Kingdom.

Comment: This gives the CJEU its jurisdiction as regards infringement actions and preliminary rulings over cases concerning the separation provisions (Part Three) and the references to EU financial law in Part Five (financial settlement), which will still apply after the end of the transition/implementation period to the extent that payments are made after that date.

According to Article 168, this provision will only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period. The Court’s ordinary jurisdiction will apply up until to the end of that period.

The cross-reference to Article 83 covers cases brought before the end of the transitional/implementation period, which the CJEU will still have jurisdiction to decide afterwards.

Article 154

Submission of statements of case or written observations

Where a court or tribunal of a Member State refers a question concerning the interpretation of this Agreement to the Court of Justice of the European Union for a preliminary ruling, the decision of the national court or tribunal containing that question shall be notified to the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom shall be entitled to submit statements of case or written observations to the Court of Justice of the European Union within two months of such notification.

Background: This Article partly reflects the second sentence of para 39 of the joint report: “In the same vein, it is envisaged to give the UK Government and the European Commission the right to intervene in relevant cases before the CJEU and before UK courts and tribunals respectively.” The text of this Article defines what “relevant cases” are. Note that the Article applies to the entire withdrawal agreement, not just the citizens’ rights provisions. According to Article 168, this provision will only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period, although unlike Article 151 there is no final date when it expires.

Comment: A right of intervention like this is not unusual. For instance EFTA EEA states can (and sometimes do) state their view in CJEU cases which are relevant to the EEA treaty. However, it is a  very narrow interpretation of the concept of “relevant cases”. Surely a case is relevant not only where it concerns the withdrawal agreement as such, but where it concerns an EU law issue which could impact the UK in accordance with Article 4(5), which requires the UK’s administrative and judicial authorities to have due regard to relevant CJEU case law decided after the end of the transition/implementation period. Also it seems appropriate to allow the Authority set up by Article 152 to intervene where there are issues relevant to EU27 or UK citizens, since the UK government may be reluctant to defend their rights.

I therefore suggest two amendments. The first sentence should read: “Where a court or tribunal of a Member State refers a question concerning the interpretation of this Agreement, or a provision of Union law within the scope of Article 4(5) of this Agreement…” A new sentence at the end should read: “Where the case concerns Part Two of this Agreement, this Article shall also apply mutatis mutandis to the Authority referred to in Article 152.

Article 155

Participation of the European Commission in cases pending in the United Kingdom

Where the consistent interpretation and application of Part Two of this Agreement so requires, the European Commission may submit written observations to the courts or the tribunals in the United Kingdom in pending cases where the interpretation of the Agreement is concerned. The European Commission may, with the permission of the court or tribunal in question, also make oral observations. The European Commission shall inform the United Kingdom of its intention to submit observations before formally doing so.

Background: This Article partly reflects the second sentence of para 39 of the joint report: “In the same vein, it is envisaged to give the UK Government and the European Commission the right to intervene in relevant cases before the CJEU and before UK courts and tribunals respectively.” The text of this Article defines what “relevant cases” are. Unlike Article 154, this Article does not apply to the entire withdrawal agreement, but only to the citizens’ rights provisions. According to Article 168, this provision will only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period. However, unlike Article 151, it will not expire after eight years.

Comment: As far as I know this explicit power to intervene in a national court proceeding is novel, although it could be compared to the Commission’s power to make observations in EFTA Court proceedings. It overlaps with the Authority’s power to bring cases, and (for a number of years) with the UK courts’ ability to ask the CJEU questions about the citizens’ rights in Part Two.

Article 156

Regular dialogue and exchange of information

In order to facilitate the consistent interpretation of this Agreement and in full deference to the independence of courts, the Court of Justice of the European Union and the United Kingdom's highest courts shall engage in a regular dialogue, analogous to the one which the Court of Justice of the European Union pursues with the highest courts of the Member States.

Background: This Article partly reflects para 39 of the Joint Report, which states: “Consistent interpretation of the citizens' rights Part should further be supported and facilitated by an exchange of case law between the courts and regular judicial dialogue.” However, Article 156 is not limited in scope to citizens’ rights, and makes no express reference to exchange of case law (or any other “information” referred to in the title of the Article). According to Article 168, this provision will only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period.

Comments: It seems odd that there is no exchange of information or case law provided for, especially as the EU has other treaties with non-EU states which provide for such exchanges. I suggest an amendment, to add a new sentence at the end of this Article: The Joint Committee shall establish a mechanism to ensure regular mutual transmission of case law and other information relevant to this Agreement.

TITLE II

INSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS

Article 157

Joint Committee

1.  A Joint Committee is hereby established, comprising representatives of the Union and of the United Kingdom. The Joint Committee shall be co-chaired by the Union and the United Kingdom.

2.  The Joint Committee shall meet at least once a year or at the request of the Union or the United Kingdom. The Joint Committee shall set its meeting schedule and its agenda by mutual consent.

3.  The Joint Committee shall be responsible for the implementation and application of this Agreement. The Union or the United Kingdom may refer to the Joint Committee any issue relating to the implementation, application and interpretation of this Agreement.

4.  The Joint Committee shall:

(a)  supervise and facilitate the implementation and application of this Agreement;

(b)  decide on the tasks of the specialised committees and supervise their work;

(c)  seek appropriate ways and methods of preventing problems that might arise in areas covered by this Agreement or of resolving disputes that may arise regarding the interpretation and application of this Agreement;

(d)  adopt its own rules of procedure, as well as rules of procedure of the specialised committees;

(e)  consider any matter of interest relating to an area covered by this Agreement;

(f)  adopt decisions and make recommendations as set out in Article 159; 

(g)  adopt amendments to this Agreement in the cases provided for in this Agreement.

5.  The Joint Committee may:

(a)  delegate responsibilities to the specialised committees, except those referred to in points (b), (d), (f) and (g) of paragraph 4; 

(b)  establish other specialised committees than those established by Article 158 in order to assist it in the performance of its tasks; 

(c)  change the tasks assigned to the specialised committees or dissolve any of those committees; and

(d)  take such other action in the exercise of its functions as decided by the Union and the United Kingdom.

6.  The Joint Committee shall issue an annual report on the functioning of this Agreement.

Comment: The Joint Committee has a number of functions under the Agreement, not just in relation to citizens’ rights. Its main explicit role in that area will be updating the social security annex and (potentially) being a forum for dispute settlement – see Articles 162 to 165 below.

Article 158

Specialised committees

1. The following specialised committees are hereby established: 

(a) the Committee on citizens' rights;

(b) the Committee on the other separation provisions;

(c) the Committee on issues related to the island of Ireland;

(d) the Committee on Sovereign Base Areas related issues;

(e) the Committee on the financial provisions.

2. Unless otherwise provided in this Agreement, or unless the co-chairs decide otherwise, the specialised committees shall meet at least once a year. Additional meetings may be held at the request of the Union, the United Kingdom, or of the Joint Committee. They shall be co-chaired by representatives of the Union and of the United Kingdom. The specialised committees shall set their meeting schedule and agenda by mutual consent. The specialised committees may draw up draft decisions and recommendations and refer them for adoption by the Joint Committee.

3. The Union and the United Kingdom shall ensure that their respective representatives on the specialised committees have the appropriate expertise with respect to the issues under discussion.

4. The specialised committees shall inform the Joint Committee of their meeting schedules and agenda sufficiently in advance of their meetings and shall report to the Joint Committee on results and conclusions from each of their meetings. The creation or existence of a specialised committee shall not prevent the Union or the United Kingdom from bringing any matter directly to the Joint Committee.

Comment: Note that one of the specialised committees concerns citizens’ rights. It is likely to meet for some time into the future, given the long time frame of the application of Part Two of the Agreement.   

Article 159

Decisions and recommendations

1.  The Joint Committee shall, for the purposes of this Agreement, have the power to adopt decisions in respect of all matters for which this Agreement so provides and make appropriate recommendations to the Union and the United Kingdom.

2.  The decisions adopted by the Joint Committee shall be binding on the Union and the United Kingdom, and the Union and the United Kingdom shall implement them. They shall have the same legal effect as this Agreement. 

3.  The Joint Committee shall adopt its decisions and make its recommendations by mutual consent. 

Comment: the only power to adopt decisions which the Joint Committee has in the area of citizens’ rights is to adopt new social security rules pursuant to Article 31, although its dispute settlement powers (discussed below) might be relevant. So might its recommendations, although there is no explicit reference to them in the citizens’ rights part.



TITLE III

DISPUTE SETTLEMENT

Article 160

Cooperation

The Union and the United Kingdom shall, at all times, endeavor to agree on the interpretation and application of this Agreement, and shall make every attempt through cooperation and consultations to arrive at a mutually satisfactory resolution of any matter that might affect its operation.

Comment: This is a “best endeavours” Article that points toward trying to find political solutions to disputes. It does not include any specific legal obligations but could nevertheless be relevant in practice, given that disputes under the EU’s free trade agreements are usually settled diplomatically.

Article 161

Exclusivity

For any dispute between the Union and the United Kingdom arising under this Agreement, the Union and the United Kingdom shall only have recourse to the procedures provided for in this Agreement.

Comment: This Article prevents using other means besides those in the Agreement to settle disputes, unless the Agreement itself is amended.

Article 162

Settlement of disputes

1. Without prejudice to Article 153, the Union or the United Kingdom may bring any dispute which concerns the interpretation or application of this Agreement before the Joint Committee.

2. The Joint Committee may settle the dispute through a recommendation. It shall be provided with all information which might be of use in making possible an in-depth examination of the situation, with a view to finding an acceptable solution. To this end, the Joint Committee shall examine all possibilities to maintain the good functioning of the Agreement. 

3. The Joint Committee may, at any point, decide to submit the dispute brought before it to the Court of Justice of the European Union for a ruling. The Court of Justice of the European Union shall have jurisdiction over such cases and its rulings shall be binding on the Union and the United Kingdom.

4. If the dispute has not been settled within three months after it was brought before the Joint Committee and has not been submitted to the Court of Justice of the European Union by the Joint Committee pursuant to paragraph 3, the dispute may be submitted to the Court of Justice of the European Union for a ruling at the request of either the Union or the United Kingdom. The Court of Justice of the European Union shall have jurisdiction over such cases and its rulings shall be binding on the Union and the United Kingdom.

Comments: According to Article 168, this provision will only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period. The dispute settlement clause applies to the entire Agreement, not only the citizens’ rights rules. This text has clearly been adapted from Article 111 of the EEA treaty. Para 1 is identical (except for the names of the parties, obviously). Para 2 is identical except for the addition of the words “through a recommendation”. Paras 3 and 4 differ, however: under the EEA Treaty, the EEA Joint Committee can agree to ask the CJEU about a treaty rule which is identical to EU law after three months’ discussion (not at any time); and if the dispute is not resolved or sent to the CJEU after six months’ discussion, then one party can take a form of safeguard measure or disapply a part of the EEA rules due to divergence with the other party. It’s also specified that the CJEU rules are binding, although that simply restates the ruling of the CJEU in Opinion 1/91 that its rulings must always be binding. It will be necessary to decide which EU institution decides to bring proceedings on behalf of the EU.

In comparison then, the version of the Withdrawal Agreement places far more reliance on the CJEU: allowing earlier recourse if both sides agree; unilateral recourse after three months; jurisdiction over all the agreement, not just the EU law aspects (although admittedly much of the agreement refers to EU law); and eliminating the possibility of settling a dispute by means of a safeguard or divergence decision instead – although Article 165 provides for a sanction by the EU side only during the transition/implementation period, and there is an odd disconnected sanctions clause in Article 163(3). This provision overlaps with the jurisdiction of the Court over citizens’ rights that will apply for eight years after the end of the transition/implementation period. The CJEU jurisdiction in this Article would be subject to the rules of procedure to be set out in an Annex (see Article 164).

This proposal is problematic because it is one-sided, diverging from the solution in the EEA which the EU found legally and politically acceptable. (Suggesting a rather different approach to a similar issue could reasonably be seen as a form of “cherry-picking”).  While it would be a breach of EU law to set up a system which lets arbitrators et al make the final decision on interpretation of EU law for the EU (see Opinion 1/92), the EEA system was found compatible with EU law in that judgment and the obvious question is why not follow that route here – which would mean a form of sanction by either side instead of recourse to the ECJ? Also, why give the ECJ jurisdiction to rule on issues in the withdrawal agreement which are not EU law issues – given that there is no EU law requirement to give it such jurisdiction even where the EU would be bound by an interpretation of such rules?   

I suggest the following amendments, which would bring the text in line with the EEA model and be consistent with the limits set out by the ECJ in Opinion 1/92.

2. The Joint Committee may settle the dispute through a recommendation, which shall not affect the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union….

3. If the dispute concerns the interpretation of Union law, the Joint Committee may, at any point….

4. If the dispute has not been settled within three months after it was brought before the Joint Committee and has not been submitted to the Court of Justice of the European Union by the Joint Committee pursuant to paragraph 3, either party may take a safeguard measure. Such safeguard measures shall be restricted with regard to their scope and duration to what is strictly necessary in order to remedy the situation.  Priority shall be given to such measures as will least disturb the functioning of this Agreement.

If there is a dispute concerning the scope or duration of safeguard measures, either party may refer the dispute to arbitration under the procedures laid down in Protocol [xx].  No question of interpretation of the provisions of this Agreement concerning Union law may be dealt with in such procedures.  The arbitration award shall be binding on the parties to the dispute.

Article 163

Non-compliance

1. Where the Union or the United Kingdom consider that the other has not taken the necessary measures to comply with the judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union resulting from proceedings referred to in Article 162, either the Union or the United Kingdom may bring the case before the Court of Justice of the European Union. The Court of Justice of the European Union shall have jurisdiction over such cases and its rulings shall be binding on the Union and the United Kingdom.

2. If the Court of Justice of the European Union finds, in proceedings brought before it pursuant to paragraph 1, that the Union or the United Kingdom, as the case may be, has not complied with its judgement, it may impose a lump sum or penalty payment on it.

3. The Union or the United Kingdom may decide to suspend:

(a) parts of this Agreement other than Part Two; or

(b)  parts of any other agreement between the Union and the United Kingdom, under the conditions set out in such agreement. 

Any suspension under this paragraph shall be proportionate to the breach of obligation concerned, taking into account the gravity of the breach and the rights in question. It shall be subject to judicial review by the Court of Justice of the European Union. 

Comments: According to Article 168, this provision will only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period. The CJEU jurisdiction in this Article would be subject to the rules of procedure to be set out in an Annex (see Article 164).

Paragraphs 1 and 2 are similar to Article 260(2) TFEU, which provide for the Commission to sue a Member State if it has allegedly not implemented a prior ruling in an infringement case. The text here differs in that: the prior judgment would not be an infringement case, but a dispute settlement ruling pursuant to Article 162 of the Agreement; the EU as such or the UK would bring the case, rather than the Commission; there is no reference to the obligation in Article 260 TFEU to giving the defending party “the opportunity to submit its observations” before the case is brought; and the plaintiff does not have to specify the lump sum or penalty which it wants the Court to impose.

For eight years, this provision would overlap with the Court’s special jurisdiction over citizens’ rights in Article 151 of this Agreement. 

Paragraph 3 is quite different from Article 260 TFEU, and the legal drafting here is….unimpressive. Is this an alternative remedy instead of applying for a lump sum or penalty payment? Or an additional one after, before or alongside a court challenge? Implicitly (but not very clearly) the grounds for applying this rule would be a “breach of obligation” – what obligation though? There is no explicit reference to paragraphs 1 or 2.

In the absence of a cross-reference to Article 162, there’s no explicit obligation to consult and try to reach a solution before enforcing this penalty. It would overlap with Article 151 (citizens’ rights) and  Articles 162 and 163(1) and (2). The one clear point is that it can’t be used to suspend the citizens’ rights provisions; although presumably a breach of those provisions could be used to trigger it. Remarkably, it could be used to suspend “any other agreement between” the EU and the UK, although this overreach is immediately rendered pointless by the proviso that this only applies “under the conditions set out in such agreement”.

Needless to say, I propose an amendment to delete this diabolical paragraph. In fact, my proposed amendment to Article 162 would mean that the rest of the Article would be superfluous too.

Article 164

Procedural rules and powers

Proceedings brought to the Court of Justice of the European Union pursuant to Article 162 or 163 shall be governed by the Rules of Procedure set out in [Annex y+3] to this Agreement.

Comment: This annex has not yet been filled in. According to Article 168, this provision will only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period.

Article 165

Suspension of benefits during the transition period

1.  Notwithstanding Article 126 of this Agreement, if during the transition period the Union considers that the United Kingdom has not fulfilled, during the transition period, an obligation under Union law as found in a judgment rendered pursuant to Article 126 of this Agreement in accordance with Article 258 TFEU, or that the United Kingdom does not respect an order rendered pursuant to Article 126 of this Agreement in accordance with Article 279 TFEU, and where the functioning of the internal market, of the customs union, or the financial stability of the Union or its Member States would be jeopardised as a result, the Union may suspend certain benefits deriving for the United Kingdom from participation in the internal market.

2.  When applying paragraph 1, the Union shall take into account the possible consequences of such a suspension on the rights and obligations of natural and legal persons. Any suspension under paragraph 1 shall be proportionate to the breach of obligation concerned, taking into account the gravity of the breach and the rights in question, and shall not exceed three months. It may, however, be renewed.

3.  The Union shall inform the United Kingdom of its intention to apply paragraph 1 and allow the United Kingdom, within 20 days, to remedy the situation. Any suspension shall take effect no earlier than 20 days after its notification to the United Kingdom.  

Background: The possibility of this clause was mooted when the Commission proposed Articles on the transition/implementation period. It is now limited to cases where the ECJ has already ruled in an infringement proceeding.  

Comments: For the reasons set out in the main comments in this blog post, I suggest the simple amendment of deleting this Article. For convenience, in summary those arguments are: a) it’s unnecessary because the usual jurisdiction of the ECJ will apply, including the remedy of the ECJ imposing fines for lack of compliance with its prior rulings; b) there’s no time limit problem here, since cases against the UK pending at the end of the transition/implementation period will be decided afterward; c) the proposal assumes that only the UK could breach EU law, not the EU27; d) it would treat the UK as both a Member State and a non-Member State at the same time; e) there is no proviso for attempting to resolve the dispute politically; f) it circumvents the usual requirement for the party alleging the breach to discharge the burden of proof of proving its claim in the ECJ; and g) there’s no provision for judicial review or arbitration concerning the decision.

TITLE IV

FINAL PROVISIONS

Article 166

Annexes

Protocols [1 to N] and Annexes [y to y+x] shall form an integral part of this Agreement.

Comment: Only the Protocol on Ireland and a few Annexes have been filled in.

Article 167

Authentic texts

This Agreement, drawn up in a single original in the Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, Danish, Dutch, English, Estonian, Finnish, French, German, Greek, Hungarian, Irish, Italian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Maltese, Polish, Portuguese, Romanian, Slovak, Slovenian, Spanish and Swedish languages, the texts in each of these languages being equally authentic, shall be deposited in the archives of the Council, which shall transmit a certified copy to the United Kingdom.

Comment: Provisions on authentic language versions are standard clause in treaties. Bilateral treaties between the EU and non-EU countries are always valid in the languages of all Member States and the non-Member State too. In case of conflict between language versions, the ECJ looks at a number of them to determine the overall intention of the drafters, including (where relevant) the non-EU language version.

Article 168

Entry into force and application

This Agreement shall enter into force on 30 March 2019. 

Parts Two and Three, with the exception of Articles 30(1) and 40, as well as Title I of Part Six and Articles 162, 163 and 164, shall apply as from the end of the transition period. 

The Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, with the exception of Article 10 thereof, shall apply as from the end of the transition period.

The Protocol relating to the Sovereign Base Areas in Cyprus shall apply as from the end of the transition period.

Comment: Although the Agreement will enter into force on Brexit day, many parts of it would only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period: Part Two on citizens’ rights (except a provision on participation in social security discussions), Part Three on separation provisions (except a provision on transferring files to authorise pharmaceuticals etc), the Protocols on Ireland and Cyprus bases (except the specialised committee on Ireland would be set up from Brexit day); the Part Six provisions on the ECJ and most dispute settlement clauses.

As noted above, it is objectionable that Article 152 (which sets up the Authority designed to help with applying EU27 citizens’ rights in the UK) will only apply from the end of the transition/implementation period, because EU27 citizens may need its assistance before then. I therefore propose an amendment, so that the second paragraph reads “…as well as Title I of Part Six (with the exception of Article 152) and…”

Conversely, although not mentioned here, some parts of the agreement will expire at the end of the transition/implementation period: for instance, Part Four (which concerns that period), and Article 165 (sanctions during the transitional period).



Done on [dd/mm/yyyy].